tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-31353999040876879592024-03-08T18:13:45.862+02:004th INTERNATIONAL Tendency for a Revolutionary InternationalThe historical texts and current analysis of the Tendency for a Revolutionary InternationalKostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.comBlogger32125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-37469899513241383192020-06-30T04:00:00.000+03:002020-06-30T04:00:26.312+03:00Kostas Skordoulis & Gianna Katsiampoura (OKDE Spartakos, Greek Section of the Fourth International): THE PANDEMIC, CAPITALIST OFFENSIVE AND THE WORKING CLASS: Input from Greece The corona-virus crisis came to underline the contradictions and filth of capitalism. COVID-19 is not the first virus to be transmitted from animals to humans, nor is it the first pandemic in recent years. Previous pandemics (SARS, swine flu), although of concern to the global community, have not had a catalytic effect on people’s lives such as the one induced by the corona-virus.<br />
The exploitation of the natural environment, which destroys the ecosystems, leads to the transmission of viruses from animals to humans, and the modern way of life under capitalism intensifies the spread. It is no coincidence that the highest rates of infection are in modern urban centers where people live in cramped conditions, use insufficient transport services and work in workplaces like cages.<br />
The reaction of the ruling class worldwide was to take care primarily of safeguarding its profits. This became more apparent in countries such as Belgium and Italy, with the strong industrial and economic centers of Brussels and Lombardy (Bergamo, Brescia, Milan) still operating even as the virus was on the rise. Practically, a small difference from the "herd immunity" plan followed by the USA and England. In particular, the case of USA is the most tragic, with more than 100,000 dead, most of them from the poorest strata, African Americans, Latinos, etc., who were thrown into the abyss due to the US health system to which only those who can afford it have access. The denominator in all cases is the same: the extreme doctrine of neoliberalism, the survival of the fittest.<br />
It seemed, however, that as long as the health systems worldwide are not free, the effects on the entire population are tragic. Underfunded health systems cannot cope with the pandemic, while the glorified private sector has proven to be extremely incapable of providing decent health services if it does not make a profit.<br />
Economies around the world have been hit hard, putting the global economy in a new recession. A decade and a half after the historic capitalist crisis of 2008, capitalism is once again facing the same and even worse problems. The corona-virus pandemic accelerates the problems that were already evident in the world economy. It is not unlikely that inter-imperialist competition will intensify.<br />
At the same time, uprisings and workers struggles are accelerating everywhere. George Floyd's assassination by the police in the United States, has sparked an unprecedented uprising that has been going on for weeks. State racism overflowed the glass of black anger, but the uprising transcended racial lines and brought together black, Hispanic, and white working-class people. All those who paid the 2008 crisis, who paid the heaviest price in the pandemic, who pay with their sweat and blood the profits of the capitalists and the violence and racism of the state, rise up and shout: we can take no more!<br />
The uprising in the United States did not fell from the sky. It was preceded by a two-month strike in France, which lasted longer than the May 1968 strike and showed to all those preaching that the strike as a means of labor struggle has finished that this is just another hollow desire of the bosses. The uprisings in Chile, Ecuador, Lebanon, Hong Kong and Algeria, as well as the large mobilizations in Iraq and Iran are still fresh in our memories. In short, the spectre of insurrection and general strike is reawakening in all the continents of the world.<br />
But, if at the one end of social polarization there are uprisings, strikes, anti-fascist mobilizations, the global feminist movement and environmental struggles that have erupted everywhere, at the other end is the rise of the far right, the Trump-type governments in the US and Bolsonaro in Brazil, the European Union's racist policy towards refugees and migrants, the neoliberal reforms that are imposing more and more flexible working conditions.<br />
There is no doubt that the pandemic and the crisis it is signaling are also being used to increase exploitation and oppression by the capitalists. The COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated that the bosses are once again trying to "make the crisis an opportunity."<br />
In other words, we could say that labor exploitation has no end. The already large number of unemployed is increasing exponentially, since companies in all sectors of the economy started personnel dismissals from the very first days of the pandemic. A large number of unemployed and uninsured people are at the mercy of the state's "sensitivity" for their health, ready to submit to any working condition for a living wage. Every day we read dozens of complaints from the workplaces, we hear dozens of screams of anxiety from workers whose rights are being constantly violated.<br />
We are very well aware that the beast is still there and that the only way forward for humanity as a whole is for the working class to organize and fight.<br />
In Greece, having the geographically close example of Italy and being aware of the situation in which the NHS has fallen due to the memoranda, the people accepted the quarantine measures because of fear of an uncontrolled spread of the virus. This is the reason for the low death rates in Greece and not the neo-conservative government's narrative for its own success story. It is a fact, that the time period in which the epidemic broke out in Greece favored the non-spread, since it was a period of low tourist traffic and the country is not a stopover for transit travelers. For its part, the government refused to effectively support the NHS, hiring permanent staff of all specialties. On the contrary, from the very beginning, its main concern was to serve the interests of private medical clinics instead of ordering new medical equipment and opening more intensive care units. Contrary to WHO guidelines, it did not conduct a mass virus test in the population during the lockdown period to make the statistics appear low.<br />
With the outbreak of the pandemic, an attempt was made to activate racist reflexes in the population. A serious effort has been made to accuse marginal social groups (immigrants, Roma) of being virus carriers, certainly ignoring the fact that many infection cases originate from abroad.<br />
In these difficult and unprecedented conditions, the anti-capitalist left stood at its height. The choice to abide by the measures of self-restraint was not made by submission to the government but by respect for human life and solidarity, especially in the most vulnerable parts of society. However, the struggles were not suspended. We stood by anyone in need, next to the refugee camps, next to the health workers strikes and participating in the May Day strike and demonstration<br />
(while the quarantine measures had not yet been lifted).<br />
The future, globally and locally, looks bleak. Dismissals, arbitrariness, blackmail are the rule of everyday life:<br />
- "Business as usual" says the communications enterprise “Teleperformance” and what it means is monitoring the homes of its employees with a camera during working hours.<br />
- 2,000,000 € were donated by the Telecommunications OTE Group to hospitals, to supposedly show how much they care about public health, and at the same time the Group "does not have" laptops to give to the employees of the Group and forces them to either go to work in situ or get a fake sick leave<br />
- With a message on their mobile phones, 400 employees at the airport were informed that are being fired.<br />
-Through his personal LinkedIn account, the CEO of “Blueground” Real Estate Group informs that 130 employees have been fired (1/4 of the staff as he says), but he is acquitted because he suggests to other employers to hire them, because, as he says, they are good employees and otherwise he would do anything to keep them.<br />
-The employees of ELTA Courier see one by one their colleagues getting sick and there are no protection measures on the part of the employer.<br />
-Teachers are struggling to connect to Distant Education classes without all children even having access to computers and the Internet, while in private schools there are unjustified salary reductions.<br />
And the list goes on and on…<br />
For the majority of the working class, "staying at home" means absolutely nothing. To serve a colossal number of human needs, from manufacturing, storing and transporting food, to generating energy, health care or garbage collection, hundreds of thousands of workers are needed, unable to work from home or from the computer. The working class does not stay at home, it is the one that, with the risk of its life, sustains a society in crisis. It is the working class that does not allow society to collapse, not the capitalist government.<br />
The capitalist state cannot meet the basic needs of society, because its purpose is not that, but to ensure private profit. It is not incompetent, it is simply made to serve another purpose.<br />
And that is what we have to fight. We have not shared their profits, we are not going to share their loss. We are not "all together" in a "common struggle". Without the movement of the working class, even in these conditions, we will see our rights lost under the pretext of preventing and treating the pandemic of COVID-19.<br />
In order to protect our class, of course, we are adopting the recommendations of front-line health workers, but at the same time, unions and working class organizations must organize new actions with every opportunity to resist the bosses. So that no salary, no pension, no job is lost. To ensure and expand workers' protecting measures against both the risk of corona and the employer greed and vengeance.<br />
We have to keep the working class standing because the working class keeps the whole society standing…until the working class quarantine its bosses!<br />
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Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-84011667932652139612017-09-07T02:26:00.000+03:002017-09-07T02:28:34.950+03:00Manos Skoufoglou: Greece, a story without the distorting prism of SYRIZADuring recent years, the debate on Greece has not been just a debate among the other ones. The particular intensity of the crisis, of the capitalist attack and of the social fightback, as well as the emergence of a party of reformist origin that finally managed to take power, in coalition with a nationalist right-wing party – all these have made Greece the point of reference for 5 years. The catastrophic experience of SYRIZA has marked not only the end of an era for the workers’ movement in Greece, but also the impasse of the political strategy that advocated a “broad left party” and an “anti-austerity government”.<br />
Unfortunately, this strategy was not only promoted by reformist parties, but also by the majority of the anti-capitalist left around the world. Most left leaderships were so enthusiastic about the perspective of a SYRIZA government that they wouldn’t even discuss the possibility of an independent anticapitalist formation in Greece or listen to what Greek revolutionary organizations had to say about the character and role of SYRIZA. SYRIZA was the undisputed model for a strategic project in the context of which political, organizational and electoral unity with reformists was absolutely instrumental. Now that this project has collapsed on the heads of the Greek working class, the vast majority of the proponents of this strategy is stubbornly avoiding an honest balance-sheet. After SYRIZA imposed the harsh 3rd austerity pact (memorandum) in July 2015, most of them wrote hasty articles blaming their former hero, Tsipras, for being either a traitor or so naïve as to think that he could negotiate with the lenders, and then just left Greece aside and started envisioning the same project as SYRIZA in other countries. As a leader of the Fourth International said in the International Committee of February 2017, “if something proves wrong at some point, it doesn’t mean it was already wrong in the first place”. According to that, one can claim that nothing is ever wrong. Things just change.<br />
If we need a clear balance-sheet of the Greek experience, though, this is exactly because the same strategy is attempted in other countries. We think that comrades who are trying to draw their conclusions from Greece may find it useful to read what the members of the Greek Section of the FI, OKDE-Spartakos, have supported during all those years and why they have opted from the very beginning to not follow or “critically” support SYRIZA, but build an independent anticapitalist project, ANTARSYA, instead. Anyone who follows the evolution of our positions step by step can ascertain that, unlike the vast majority of left narratives, our opposition to SYRIZA is not a post Christum prophecy.<br />
Recent stories about Greece are like modern fairy-tails, full of inaccuracies, myths and “wishful thinking”. This is our modest contribution to the demystification of the recent political history of this country.<br />
<br />
Has SYRIZA been an expression of the rise of the social movement?<br />
Most international left people would reply “yes”, with no hesitation. SYRIZA represented the mass movement, and this is why we should have all supported it. However, this is not exactly true. SYRIZA did receive the majority of the votes of the working class and the poor strata, and this could not have happened if it wasn’t for the mass movement that developed in the country. However, SYRIZA was never organically linked with the movement. The party had always a very small membership, with particularly few workers and unionists. SYRIZA did never lead a single mass movement or workers’ strike, and its intervention in class struggles was always marginal. To present SYRIZA as a party of the mass movement is a myth. Its relation with the working class and the oppressed was a relation of electoral representation. Even this relation, though, was consolidated not during, but after the culmination point of the mass movement. During the hot period 2010-2012, SYRIZA was only polling poor results. It skyrocketed not before the spring of 2012, when the mass movement had already retreated. Struggles, sometimes important ones, went and are still going on, however the movement never reached the level of the period between May 2010 and February the 12th 2012, which has been the last really huge demonstration. One reason for this setback was definitely the easy solution that SYRIZA proposed: wait for the election to vote for a left, anti-austerity government. SYRIZA has not been an expression of the rising mass movement, but an expression of its fatigue and deceleration. And it has also been a reason for this deceleration.<br />
<br />
Was there any strategic alternative to the proposal for a left government?<br />
During the peak of the mass movement in Greece, and especially after June 2011, both SYRIZA and the Communist Party (KKE) rushed to ask for elections. SYRIZA finally proved to be more convincing, because, unlike KKE, they promised a left government that would abolish the austerity agreements (memoranda). This promise was not only fraudulent but also harmful, as it fostered passive anticipation and the assignment of the struggle against austerity to a parliamentary leadership. Ever since 2011, SYRIZA has been declaring that the mass movement has shown its limit, and it is time to give a “political” (that is, electoral) solution.<br />
But no government can save the people if the people are not organized and determined to save themselves. The calls of OKDE-Spartakos and other anticapitalist groups for generalized self-organization was confronted with skepticism or sarcasm by the majority of the left, who argued that it would be invented and utopian to speak of councils or Soviets in a situation where such things simply don’t exist. Soviets, or anything else, will never exist if nobody proposes them. However, it was not true that self-organization structures did not exist. The Syntagma square hosted a daily people’s assembly for nearly two months. The assembly formed sub-committees charged with various tasks. A self-organized radio station was installed on the square. Several every-day popular assemblies were created in different neighborhoods of Athens and in almost all relatively big cities of the country. People were asking: what if we had not a parliament which we vote for every 4 years? How else could power be organized?<br />
It was possible to build an alternative proposal based on those, limited but actual and important, experiences of self-organization. It was possible to call for assemblies in workplaces as well. It was possible to propose that local assemblies elect their revocable representatives and turn the Syntagma Square into a national assembly. It was possible to explain that this assembly represents working people much better than the parliament and the government, and should thus claim power for itself. It was possible, even if very hard, to put forward a concrete revolutionary perspective. But SYRIZA could only fiercely oppose this perspective, and the Communist Party as well. The anticapitalist left did try, but it was still weak and not well prepared.<br />
<br />
Was SYRIZA something different from a reformist party?<br />
Militants coming from revolutionary Marxism have developed a large spectrum of theories to deny the reformist character of SYRIZA before it took power, in order to justify their support to the party. They were those who saw an anticapitalist party in SYRIZA. Alan Thornett was definitely not the only one who could claim that “the leadership of SYRIZA wants to trigger the overthrow of capitalism” as late as the eve of the accession of the party to power in 2015 (http://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article3358). Today, the experience of the SYRIZA-ANEL government makes it needless to confront the embarrassing idea that the leadership of SYRIZA ever wanted to overthrow capitalism.<br />
A different idea was that SYRIZA represents a new kind of reformism where “bureaucratic crystallization is not as strong as it is in the leaderships of the Communist parties of Europe” (F. Sabado 25 Apr 2013, http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article2951). Our remarks that this is not exactly true were ignored. In terms of party bureaucracy, the leadership around Tsipras proved much more indisputable than the leaderships of the social-democratic PASOK or the right New Democracy. “But it lacked links to the state bureaucracy”, the same comrades retorted. This was no more correct. In relation to its small size, SYRIZA had a large number of long-time national or local deputies, municipal councilors, cadres in the state’s apparatus, in the administration of universities etc. The only reason why the party was not more actively involved in the management of the system is that it was very small, and nobody would offer them this opportunity. However, as soon as SYRIZA appeared ready to win the election, it immediately adopted entire sectors of the social-democratic state, local government, and unionist bureaucracy. As for its will to manage the system, there was nothing exceptional in the reformism of SYRIZA.<br />
<br />
Was the program of SYRIZA a “grain of sand in the machinery” of the system?<br />
The program of SYRIZA was getting more and more conservative and rudimentary before the party came to power. The celebrated Thessaloniki program of 2014 already rejected a large part of the program of 2012, and the program of January 2015 already refrained from the promises of the Thessaloniki program. But, of course, none of the modest promises of this last program were applied by the SYRIZA government. The international supporters of SYRIZA were blind to the constant programmatic cutback. They supported an “emergency plan”, failing to see that not even that would be even achievable since SYRIZA was committed to the bourgeois and imperialist institutions as well as to private property and the rules of capitalist economy. They defended the supposed position of SYRIZA for “no sacrifice for the euro” and failed to see that behind the rejection of the demand for rupture with the euro and the EU, there was no anti-nationalist purpose but only unwillingness to break with any capitalist institution. As soon as it won the elections, SYRIZA made it clear that its real slogan was “any sacrifice for the euro”. As for their supposed anti-nationalist sentiments, SYRIZA formed a government with the nationalist right party of Independent Greeks (ANEL).<br />
The enthusiasm of the international SYRIZA supporters made them see promises as already accomplished facts. Wishful thinking turned into pure fiction. According to a member of the Fourth International Bureau, SYRIZA was a “grain of sand in the machinery”, as it “returned the legal minimum wage to its former level (751 euros)”, “dissolved the entity created by the Troika to manage privatisations” and “cancelled the sale of the ports of Piraeus and Thessaloniki” (E. Toussaint 12 Feb 2015, http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article3862). Of course, none of these ever happened, and the government never claimed any of those reforms. As soon as it was elected, the SYRIZA government started negotiating with the bourgeois class and the international capitalist institutions, and soon totally aligned with them. This was dictated by its reformist character and was thus absolutely predictable. There is nothing exceptional in the reformism of SYRIZA regarding this issue, as well: in the crucial moment, reformism backs the capitalist camp. On the IV website, we have read several times that “the comrades of the KKE and ANTARSYA made an elementary error in seeing SYRIZA’s proposal for a left government as something that would simply manage capitalism” (R. Fidler, 17 Aug 2015, http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article4176). Now, in the light of the experience of the SYRIZA government, who made an “elementary error”?<br />
<br />
Would the election of a left government bring self-confidence and combativity to the people?<br />
Another usual justification for the support to SYRIZA was that, even if a SYRIZA government could not confront austerity, it could raise class self-confidence and trigger mass mobilizations, or even a pre-revolutionary situation. In the words of a comrade who was convinced that a “Syriza-led anti-austerity government of the left” would be “a workers’ government in Marxist parlance”, “a pre-revolutionary situation could quickly emerge if Syriza is elected and implements its programme (A. Thornett, 16 June 2012 http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article2654). This abstract scenario was utterly refuted by facts. No progressive reforms or “emergency” measures were implemented. SYRIZA’s broken promises did not bring combativity, but disillusionment and confusion. Passivity and parliamentary expectations, both nurtured by SYRIZA and its supporters, had rendered the people unprepared for a new round of strikes. The resistance of the working class against the introduction of the 3rd austerity pact (memorandum) in July 2015 was weaker than the one against the 1st and the 2nd memoranda. The situation got worse afterwards. The pension reform of 2016 and the 4th austerity pact of May 2017 were imposed with almost no reaction. Social anger will probably explode again, and we are counting on that. But it is undoubted that the SYRIZA government did not favor workers’ mobilization. On the contrary, it was the government that managed to restrain, and thus suppress, social and workers’ reactions more than any previous one amid the crisis.<br />
<br />
Do workers and the people trust those who stand alongside them in reformist projects?<br />
One of the innumerable arguments that always concluded that everybody should support SYRIZA is that, if SYRIZA fails to deliver on its promises, its base will revolt and follow the left wing of the party. People would trust the left wing more than the anticapitalist opposition outside SYRIZA, because it is with the former that they have fought together for years. A very old and dogmatic concept was repeated here: revolutionaries should stand alongside the working class in labour parties so as to gain their trust and be ready to lead them out of those parties when the leadership betrays them. However, SYRIZA was never a massive party, with a vivid internal life and strong bonds between the leadership and the rank and file. The period is not the same anymore, neither are parties. The above abstract scenario failed altogether. The Left Platform of SYRIZA did create a split and leave the party after the 3rd memorandum to create Popular Unity. But they only attracted a small minority of the SYRIZA members. A large part among those who left SYRIZA is not in Popular Unity. Even more, Popular Unity has been in a constant state of crisis ever since its creation. Organizations and tendencies abandon the project one after another, and the party is in no position to take any substantial initiative. The rank and file of SYRIZA did not trust them, and why would they, since the leadership of Popular Unity has always been an organic part of SYRIZA, including four first-class ministers in its first cabinet. The crisis of the Popular Unity is far worse than the pressures which ANTARSYA (the anticapitalist left front), the Communist Party of anarchist groups suffer because of the setback in the mass movement. Being long-time members of SYRIZA did not help the Popular Unity be a massive party. On the contrary, to not have been in SYRIZA is not an obstacle when we approach former SYRIZA militants in the mass movement. We respect militants who left SYRIZA to join Popular Unity and want to work with them in the mass movement, but we don’t approve their political project for a “patriotic anti-austerity front” and for a second, honest SYRIZA.<br />
<br />
Did the leadership of the Fourth International support SYRIZA?<br />
It has been recently claimed by members of the Fourth International Bureau that the FI leadership never officially supported SYRIZA. However, this is unfortunately not correct. In fact, all international revolutionary leaderships with some influence, with maybe only a couple of exceptions, supported SYRIZA.<br />
The CWI and IMT did it in every official way possible, since being part of broad reformist parties is an instrumental element of their politics. However, currents that are typically building a project for independent anticapitalist formations have also actually backed SYRIZA in Greece, even contrary to the position of their Greek sections. Although the Greek IST section (SEK) participates in ANTARSYA and never joined or voted for SYRIZA, pronounced members of the British SWP expressed their direct or indirect support to SYRIZA. Even after the formation of the SYRIZA-ANEL government, Callinikos maintained that “revolutionary socialists should celebrate the new government’s victory and support the progressive measures it takes” (even if it took none) and thought that it is “great” to have “senior ministers coming from the left wing of SYRIZA”, although recognizing it is also risky (A. Callinikos in a debate with Stathis Kouvelakis, http://greece.trendolizer.com/2015/02/syriza-and-socialist-strategy---stathis-kouvelakis-and-alex-callinicos.html). Even Altamira of the Argentinian Partido Obrero and the CRFI called for a vote to SYRIZA “under the banner of a rupture with the EU, for the United Socialist States, for a workers’ government” in the 11th Congress of the PO, although the Greek section of the CRFI followed an independent project.<br />
Unfortunately, the case was even worse with the Fourth International leadership. Renown members have repeatedly visited Greece as invited speakers in SYRIZA meetings, without consulting or even informing the Greek section. FI cadres served as economic advisors to Tsipras and as close collaborators to the former SYRIZA President of the Parliament Zoe Konstantopoulou. The current Minister of the State and Government Spokesperson, Tzanakopoulos, takes pride in having been a member of the British section a few years ago while being a first-class cadre of SYRIZA at the same time.<br />
The official positions of the Fourth International Bureau were more cautious, but in fact no less explicit. The Bureau’s permanent position was that anticapitalists should join SYRIZA or an alliance led by SYRIZA, for a left anti-austerity government. In May 2012, it stated clearly that everybody should unite under the emergency programme of SYRIZA: “The Fourth International calls on the whole of the international workers’ movement, on all the indignant, on all those who defend the ideals of the Left, to support such an emergency programme…we call for the coming together of all the forces which are fighting against austerity in Greece — Syriza, Antarsya, the KKE, the trade unions and the other social movements — around an emergency plan” (FI Bureau Statement, 24 May 2012, http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article2626). In its reply to the letter of the Greek section, who complained about this statement, the FI Bureau was clear: “Our answer, like that of almost all the sections of the International, is clear: it is necessary to support Syriza” (9 June 2012).<br />
The FI leadership position was not much different in 2015. Before the January election that brought SYRIZA to power, a series of top FI cadres, including Bureau members, co-signed an international call titled “With the Greek people, for a change in Europe – A call launched in the Spanish State”, which was actually a call for a vote to SYRIZA and did not even mention ANTARSYA, the project where the Greek section is engaged (9 Jan 2015, http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article3795). The statement of the Secretariat of the Bureau a few days afterwards said: “The various components of Syriza, their members in the trade unions – in collaboration, often, with militants of the Antarsya coalition, the student movement, etc. - are the vectors of these mobilizations. Syriza and Antarsya have a particular responsibility in building a unitive project” and urged “to do everything so that the Greek left, of which Syriza is the main component, wins these elections, in order to create a social and political dynamic for a left government” (12 Jan 2015, http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article3804). There is no doubt that this equals an official call for a vote to SYRIZA and a suggestion that ANTARSYA should also join its project. After the election of the SYRIZA government, the FI leadership advocated a policy of “Critical” support to the government, and the decision of the Greek section to build a working class left opposition was rejected, on the pretext that only the bourgeois class opposes SYRIZA.<br />
Even on the eve of the SYRIZA “betrayal” and after the experience of six months of shameful negotiations with the capitalist and imperialist institutions, the Fourth International Bureau could not draw a clear conclusion about the nature of the SYRIZA-ANEL government. The Greek section’s warning that SYRIZA would introduce a new austerity pact no matter the result of the referendum of July 5 was ignored. The Greek section fought for the NO with all its forces, but it simultaneously declared no confidence to the government. On the contrary, the statement of the FI Bureau praised the SYRIZA government and called the people to support it once again: “the interests of the exploited classes in Europe do not lie behind the governments who run the European Union, but on the side of the Greek people and of Syriza, who are fighting austerity. Resistance to austerity is possible. The victories of Syriza, like the advances of Podemos in the Spanish state, show the road to take in all the countries of Europe.” It invited the workers of all Europe to “mobilize alongside the Greek social and political movement in opposition to austerity, alongside the Greek government” (7 July 2015, http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article4113). This statement was relentlessly ridiculed less than one week afterwards, when the SYRIZA government approved the new austerity pact (3rd memorandum). No balance sheet was ever drawn of this huge mistake. On the contrary, the majority of the leadership of the FI shifted its support to the Popular Unity, once again ignoring the suggestions of the Greek section that the newly formed party wants to repeat the SYRIZA project a new (see the joint statement of O. Besançenot, M. Urbán and A. Davanellos of the Popular Unity for the September 2015 elections, 19 Sept 2015, http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article4225).<br />
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Unfortunately, we have to admit that the FI leadership, as well as the leaderships of most international revolutionary currents, have uncritically supported SYRIZA, and thus bear their own responsibility for having helped SYRIZA hegemonize the social current that arose against austerity, which induced passivity among the working class, false electoral expectations and, finally, a disaster. This development could be foreseen, and the Greek section foresaw it. This is why the section dedicated its modest forces to an independent anticapitalist current that remained out of SYRIZA, its crisis and its degradation. This project has helped avoid a situation of complete collapse of the left and workers organizations, as happened in other countries who experienced governments of the left or with the participation of the left. The independent anticapitalist left in Greece is a first material to start our counter-attack with.<br />
Greece calls for a balance sheet. But no balance sheet will be honest, as far as it avoids the main conclusion: the need for pollical and organizational independence from reformism.<br />
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Manos Skoufoglou<br />
July 2017<br />
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<br />Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-64850622058585543352017-02-27T23:16:00.002+02:002017-02-27T23:23:33.190+02:00Συλλογικό κείμενο για την 4η Διεθνή: Να αδράξουμε τις ευκαιρίες και να οικοδομήσουμε μια διεθνή για την επανάσταση και τον κομμουνισμό<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-line-height-alt: 10.0pt; text-align: center; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
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<b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Α. Η πολιτική των
«πλατιών κομμάτων»: αποτίμηση μιας καταστροφής</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Η ηγεσία της 4<sup>ης</sup>
Διεθνούς αντικατέστησε τον στρατηγικό στόχο της οικοδόμησης επαναστατικών
κομμάτων με αυτόν της οικοδόμησης «πλατιών κομμάτων». Εκατό χρόνια μετά τη
Ρώσικη Επανάσταση, μπαίνει το ερώτημα: είναι η ιδέα ότι «δεν γίνεται επανάσταση
χωρίς επαναστατικό κόμμα» ξεπερασμένη? Εμείς πιστεύουμε πως όχι. Στα τελευταία
συνέδρια, η ηγεσία της 4<sup>ης</sup> Διεθνούς έθεσε ρητά τον στόχο της
οικοδόμησης «πλατιών κομμάτων» χωρίς σαφή προγραμματικά και στρατηγικά όρια.
Ποια ήταν τα αποτελέσματα αυτής της πολιτικής;<br />
Τον τελευταίο καιρό έχουμε γνωρίσει μεγάλες αποτυχίες. Στο Ισπανικό Κράτος, οι </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Anticapitalistas</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> ετοιμάζονται να σχηματίσουν κοινή πλειοψηφία με τον Πάμπλο
Ιγκλέσιας., προσαρμοζόμενοι έτσι σε μια γραφειοκρατική ηγεσία που ρητά
επιδιώκει να κυβερνήσει εντός του πλαισίου των καπιταλιστικών θεσμών. </span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Στην προσπάθεια να κερδίσουμε επιρροή στις εκλογές ή στα κυρίαρχα
ΜΜΕ, οδηγούμαστε στο να θυσιάσουμε το στόχο – την ανατροπή του καπιταλιστικού
συστήματος.</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Το πείραμα ΣΥΡΙΖΑ
αγκαλιάστηκε σε τέτοιο βαθμό, που το ελληνικό τμήμα, το οποίο αρνήθηκε να το
υποστηρίξει, κατηγορήθηκε ακόμα και ως «αντεπαναστατικό». Ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ
παρουσιαζόταν ως πρότυπο για αρκετό καιρό, όμως οδήγησε σε καταστροφή.
Προβλήθηκε ως κόμμα και κυβέρνηση «ενάντια στη λιτότητα», αλλά αποδείχτηκε
μηχανή καταστροφής για τους εργαζόμενους και τον λαό.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Η χειρότερη επίθεση που έχουμε δει εδώ και
δεκαετίες εναντίον των εργαζομένων και της νεολαίας στην Ελλάδα έγινε από τον
ΣΥΡΙΖΑ.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Αυτά είναι μόνο δύο
παραδείγματα από μια σειρά καταστροφών, για την οποία δεν έχει γίνει καμία
σοβαρή ανάλυση, που να οδηγεί σε συμπεράσματα. Η λίστα των αποτυχιών είναι
μεγάλη: στη Βραζιλία, το τμήμα της 4<sup>ης</sup> συμμετείχε στην κυβέρνηση
Λούλα· στην Ιταλία, οι σύντροφοι και συντρόφισσες της 4<sup>ης</sup> έδωσαν
ψήφο εμπιστοσύνης στην κυβέρνηση Πρόντι και υπερψήφισαν τον πολεμικό
προϋπολογισμό· στην Πορτογαλία, το τμήμα υποστήριξε πρόσφατα την κυβερνητική
ατζέντα του Σοσιαλιστικού Κόμματος. Το κοινό όλων αυτών των αποτυχιών είναι η
υποστήριξη πολιτικών δυνάμεων και κυβερνήσεων που δρουν εντός του πλαισίου της
καπιταλιστικής διαχείρισης, με αποτέλεσμα και την αποσύνθεση των τμημάτων της 4<sup>ης
</sup>Διεθνούς.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Η πολιτική της
οικοδόμησης «πλατιών κομμάτων» αντί για επαναστατικά κόμματα οδήγησε όντως στη
διάλυση των δυνάμεων μας μέσα σε ρεφορμιστικούς σχηματισμούς. Πράγματι, γιατί
να οικοδομήσει κανείς ένα επαναστατικό ρεύμα, εάν δεν υπάρχει ένα επαναστατικό
κομμουνιστικό πρόγραμμα για να υπερασπιστεί;<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Η κατάσταση είναι πολύ ανησυχητική. Με το πέρασμα των χρόνων έχουμε δει
τμήματα της Διεθνούς να εξαφανίζονται, να διαλύονται<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>ή να προσαρμόζονται με επιταχυνόμενο ρυθμό. Η
δυνατότητά μας να υπερασπιζόμαστε την αρχή της ταξικής ανεξαρτησίας ή να
ενισχύσουμε την ικανότητα της κοινωνικής μας τάξης να δρα αυτόνομα από την
αστική τάξη και το κράτος υπονομεύεται όταν υποστηρίζουμε πολιτικούς που
συνδέονται με αστικά κόμματα, όπως ο Σάντερς, ή προσωπικότητες χωρίς δεσμούς με
το εργατικό κίνημα, όπως ο Ιγκλέσιας.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Β. «Νέα κατάσταση,
νέο πρόγραμμα…» ή επικαιρότητα της επανάστασης και του επαναστατικού
κομμουνιστικού προγράμματος σήμερα;</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Γιατί η ηγεσία της
4<sup>ης</sup> Διεθνούς συνεχίζει να υποστηρίζει την ίδια πολιτική εδώ και
χρόνια, παρά τις συνεχείς αποτυχίες;<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Η
ηγεσία εγκατέλειψε σιωπηρά την ιδέα της επικαιρότητας της επανάστασης, την
οποία βλέπει ως κάτι που μπορεί να επιτευχθεί μόνο στο μακρινό μέλλον.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Κατά την άποψή της, ο συσχετισμός δυνάμεων
είναι τόσο δυσμενής, ώστε για την ώρα το μόνο που μπορούμε να κάνουμε είναι να
επανοικοδομήσουμε μια στοιχειώδη ταξική συνείδηση, βασισμένη στους αγώνες των
καταπιεσμένων ως αντίδραση στην επίθεση της άρχουσας τάξης. Δεν υπάρχει καμία ανάγκη
για επαναστατικό προσανατολισμό, καμία ανάγκη για οργανωμένη μάχη για το
μεταβατικό πρόγραμμα και καμία ανάγκη για κομμουνιστικό πρόγραμμα. Είναι αρκετό
για την ηγεσία να συσπειρωθούν όλοι εκείνοι που είναι έτοιμοι να αντισταθούν,
ρεφορμιστές και επαναστάτες μαζί, για να συσσωρευτούν, με αργό ρυθμό, εμπειρίες
και δυνάμεις, περιμένοντας καλύτερες μέρες. Για να επιτευχθεί αυτός ο στόχος,
το κατάλληλο εργαλείο είναι πράγματι τα «πλατιά κόμματα».<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Αυτό γίνεται η
δικαιολογία για να<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>συμμαχούν παντού με
κοινωνικές δυνάμεις που δεν είναι καν ρεφορμιστικές με την κλασσική έννοια του
όρου.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Απευθύνονται σε δυνάμεις χωρίς
καμία κομμουνιστική προγραμματική βάση και χωρίς κοινωνική βάση στην εργατική
τάξη. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ωστόσο, η σημερινή
αναγκαιότητα ενός επαναστατικού προγράμματος αποδεικνύεται από τις
επαναστατικές διαδικασίες νότια της Μεσογείου και από την κατάσταση στην
Ελλάδα: οι αναδυόμενες και ριζικές μορφές ταξικής αναμέτρησης απαιτούν
επαναστατικές απαντήσεις.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ήταν ή δεν
ήταν απολύτως απαραίτητα τα αιτήματα για την διαγραφή του χρέους και την
εθνικοποίηση των τραπεζών και των βασικών τομέων της οικονομίας κάτω από
εργατικό έλεγχο; Τα αιτήματα αυτά δεν υπάρχουν για να αναπολούμε διαβάζοντας τα
βιβλία για τη ρωσική επανάσταση. Η ηγεσία της 4<sup>ης</sup>Διεθνούς δεν
υποστήριξε το ίδιο το ελληνικό τμήμα της, που, με τις μικρές του δυνάμεις,
προσπάθησε να υλοποιήσει μια τέτοια επαναστατική πολιτική. Αυτό βέβαια σήμαινε
και μια πολιτική μάχη ενάντια στην ηγεσία του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ. Αυτή ακριβώς η μάχη δεν
δόθηκε από την 4η Διεθνή. Στο όνομα της αναγκαιότητας ενός «νέου προγράμματος»
και «νέων κομμάτων» προσαρμοσμένων στη «νέα κατάσταση», η ηγεσία της 4<sup>ης</sup>
Διεθνούς στήριξε τον Αλέξη Τσίπρα μέχρι την 11<sup>η</sup> ώρα (απόσπασμα από
την ανακοίνωση του ΠΓ της 4ης Διεθνούς, Αύγουστος 2015). Το παράδειγμα της Ελλάδας
είναι εξαιρετικά αποκαλυπτικό. Αποδεικνύει την αδυναμία του ρεφορμισμού να
αποτελέσει λύση σε περιόδους καπιταλιστικής κρίσης.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Δεν είναι μόνο η κυβέρνηση ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, που
αποδείχτηκε μια από τις πιο σκληρές αστικές κυβερνήσεις, αλλά και ο ίδιος ο
ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, που μεταλλάχτηκε ολοκληρωτικά, μέσα σε ένα χρόνο όλο κι όλο, από
ρεφορμιστικό κόμμα σε αστική σοσιαλδημοκρατία. Ο σχηματισμός κυβέρνησης με το
εθνικιστικό αστικό κόμμα ΑΝΕΛ - για τον οποίο ουδέποτε διαμαρτυρήθηκαν όσοι
αργότερα δημιούργησαν τη ΛΑΕ, το κόμμα που τώρα υποστηρίζει η ηγεσία της 4<sup>ης</sup>
Διεθνούς στην Ελλάδα - η ένταξη σε αυτή την κυβέρνηση πολιτικού και διοικητικού
προσωπικού προερχόμενου από τα δύο κύρια αστικά κόμματα (ΝΔ, ΠΑΣΟΚ) και, πάνω
απ’ όλα, η ρήξη με τη συντριπτική πλειοψηφία της νεολαίας και της αγωνιστικής
του βάσης άλλαξαν αμετάκλητα τον χαρακτήρα του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ. Αυτή είναι η κοινή μοίρα
όλων των ρεφορμιστικών κομμάτων που επιθυμούν να διαχειριστούν την κρίση μέσα
στα καπιταλιστικά πλαίσια, ανεξαρτήτως των προθέσεων των ηγεσιών τους. Αυτό
είναι ένα συμπέρασμα στο οποίο η ηγεσία της 4<sup>ης</sup> δεν έφτασε ποτέ.
Αντ’ αυτού, αναφέρεται σε μια ανεξήγητη «συνθηκολόγηση» του Τσίπρα, χωρίς
αναφορά σε κανένα ταξικό περιεχόμενο. Το πρακτικό αποτέλεσμα είναι ότι η ηγεσία
της 4<sup>ης</sup> Διεθνούς είναι πρόθυμη να επαναλάβει τα ίδια λάθη. Συνεχίζει
σήμερα να συμμαχεί και να προσαρμόζεται στην πολιτική του Ιγκλέσιας, μέσω της
πλειοψηφίας του ισπανικού τμήματος. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Γ. Αγωνιστική
ανεπάρκεια και σοβαρό πρόβλημα δημοκρατίας</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Οι συναντήσεις της
Διεθνούς Επιτροπής της 4<sup>ης</sup> Διεθνούς αναλώνονται πια σε συζητήσεις
και αναλύσεις που δεν καταλήγουν σε κανένα πρακτικό συμπέρασμα. Οι συζητήσεις
συνεχίζουν χωρίς να αποφασίζεται ή να σχεδιάζεται καμία καμπάνια, διεθνώς
συντονισμένη. Κι όμως, έχουμε συντρόφους και συντρόφισσες σε όλο τον κόσμο που
ηγούνται αγώνων σε άμεση σύγκρουση με τον καπιταλισμό. Οι θεωρητικές συζητήσεις
θα έπρεπε να αντλούν υλικό από την πράξη: ο απολογισμός της δράσης των τμημάτων
θα έπρεπε να τροφοδοτεί τη συζήτηση. Η αντιπαράθεση των ιδεών θα έπρεπε να
οδηγεί στον καθορισμό κοινών καθηκόντων. Χωρίς κοινούς στόχους σε διεθνές
επίπεδο και χωρίς πολιτική και έμπρακτη αμοιβαία υποστήριξη, από ένα σημείο και
μετά είναι αδύνατον να ενισχύσουμε τις οργανώσεις μας σε κάθε χώρα. Αλλά πάνω
απ’ όλα, η Διεθνής μας θα έπρεπε να είναι κάτι παραπάνω από έναν όμιλο
συζητήσεων: θα έπρεπε να είναι εργαλείο για την επαναστατική δράση. Η κοινή
αντιμετώπιση των πολιτικών προβλημάτων της ταξικής πάλης, κατανοώντας τα
ιδιαίτερα προβλήματα σε κάθε χώρα, και η προσπάθεια να τα επιλύσουμε με ενιαίο
τρόπο είναι αυτό που θα έπρεπε να κάνει ένα «παγκόσμιο κόμμα».<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Η οικοδόμηση ενός τέτοιου διεθνούς κόμματος,
ή τουλάχιστον το να γίνουν βήματα προς αυτή την κατεύθυνση, είναι το σημερινό
μας καθήκον.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Η πρόσφατη
διαγραφή, από την πλευρά της πλειοψηφίας του τμήματος στο Ισπανικό Κράτος, της
μειοψηφίας των </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Anticapitalistas</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">που υποστηρίχθηκε από το 20% του
τελευταίου συνεδρίου τους, και η οποία αποτελεί τώρα την </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">IZAR</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, αναδεικνύει ένα
σοβαρό πρόβλημα δημοκρατίας. Η ηγεσία αρνείται να επιτρέψει την κριτική στον
πλειοψηφικό προσανατολισμό της 4<sup>ης </sup>Διεθνούς. Ακόμα χειρότερη είναι η
άρνηση να επιτραπεί στη διαγραμμένη μειοψηφία του Ισπανικού Κράτους να
απευθυνθεί στη Διεθνή Επιτροπή, με αιτιολογία το βέτο του ίδιου του τμήματος,
σε αντίθεση με κάθε αρχή της εργατικής δημοκρατίας. Οι αρχές μας περιλαμβάνουν
τη δυνατότητα κάθε συντρόφου ή συντρόφισσας να υπερασπιστεί τον εαυτό του ή της
σε περίπτωση διαγραφής. Αυτή η δυνατότητα υπάρχει ακόμα και σε πολλές
ρεφορμιστικές οργανώσεις, αλλά δεν υφίσταται στην 4<sup>η</sup> Διεθνή για τους
συντρόφους και συντρόφισσες της </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">IZAR</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">. Έτσι, έγινε αποδεκτό η πλειοψηφία
ενός τμήματος να διαγράφει τη μειοψηφία κατά το δοκούν… χωρίς καμία δυνατότητα
προσφυγής. Ευτυχώς, η πλειοψηφία των γάλλων συντρόφων και συντροφισσών μελών
του ΝΡΑ δεν έχει την ίδια αυταρχική άποψη για την επίλυση των πολιτικών
διαφωνιών και δεν συμπεριφέρθηκε με τον ίδιο τρόπο στη μειοψηφία! <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Οι σύντροφοι και
συντρόφισσες της </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Socialist</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Action</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> του Καναδά διεγράφησαν και είναι
ακόμα και σήμερα θύματα του ίδιου είδους αποκλεισμού. Φυσικά υπάρχει μια
πολιτική λογική πίσω από αυτούς τους αποκλεισμούς. Οι βασικές δημοκρατικές
αρχές παραμερίζονται όταν έχουν να κάνουν με συντρόφους και συντρόφισσες<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>που κάνουν αριστερή κριτική στην πολιτική της
ηγεσίας. Την ίδια στιγμή, μέλη της ηγεσίας της 4<sup>ης</sup> Διεθνούς
συνεργάζονται με ομάδες εκτός Διεθνούς και πιέζουν για την απομόνωση του
τμήματος, όπως έγινε στην Ελλάδα. Η ηγεσία της 4<sup>ης</sup> συχνά παρουσιάζει
τη Διεθνή μας ως την «πιο δημοκρατική» διεθνή τάση. Στην πραγματικότητα,
μπροστά σε καταστάσεις διασπάσεων λόγω πολιτικών διαφορών, η </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">IST</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> στο Ισπανικό
Κράτος και η </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">IWL</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">LIT</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">) στη Βραζιλία
επέδειξαν πιο ανοιχτόμυαλη λογική, διατηρώντας και στις δύο περιπτώσεις σχέσεις
με τις ομάδες που προέκυψαν από τις διασπάσεις. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Δεν μπορούμε να
αποφύγουμε μια αποτίμηση της πολιτικής που υποστηρίχθηκε από την πλειοψηφία στο
τελευταίο συνέδριο της Διεθνούς (2010). Η επόμενη Διεθνής Επιτροπή (Φλεβάρης
2017) πρέπει να καθορίσει ημερομηνίες και να ξεκινήσει τη συζήτηση για το
παγκόσμιο συνέδριο, που πρέπει να γίνει το 2018.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.0pt;">ΙΙ - Μια κατάσταση με ευκαιρίες για την ενίσχυση των επαναστατών
και των κομμουνιστικών ιδεών</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Δεν συμμεριζόμαστε
την εκτίμηση της ηγεσίας της 4ης Διεθνούς για τη σημερινή κατάσταση.
Παρότι<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>χαρακτηρίζεται από μια όλο και
πιο βίαιη επίθεση από την πλευρά των αστικών τάξεων, η κατάσταση είναι
αντιφατική και προσφέρει δυνατότητες στα επαναστατικά κομμουνιστικά ρεύματα να
εισακουστούν και να ενισχυθούν.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Α. Η πτωτική τάση
του ποσοστού κέρδους: η ρίζα της κρίσης</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Το θεμελιώδες
πρόβλημα για τους καπιταλιστές εξακολουθεί να είναι η πτωτική τάση του ποσοστού
κέρδους. Η οικολογική κρίση συνδυάζεται με την οικονομική κρίση, έτσι ώστε ο
καπιταλισμός να βρίσκεται σε μια κατάσταση παρατεταμένης κρίσης, από την οποία
δεν μπορεί να ξεφύγει αυτόματα. Για να ανατάξουν το ποσοστό κέρδους, οι
καπιταλιστές είναι αναγκασμένοι να κάνουν άνω κάτω το καθεστώς της κυριαρχίας
τους και να υποχρεώσουν την εργατική τάξη σε μια ιστορική ήττα. Αυτό είναι το
νόημα της συνεχιζόμενης καπιταλιστικής επίθεσης. Οι ενδοϊμπεριαλιστικές εντάσεις
αυξάνονται και οι στρατιωτικές επεμβάσεις πολλαπλασιάζονται. Ο αριθμός των
προσφύγων μεγιστοποιείται, ο ρατσισμός και η ξενοφοβία υποστηρίζονται και
ενθαρρύνονται ανοιχτά από τις κυβερνήσεις όλων των ισχυρών χωρών.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Η βαρβαρότητα δεν είναι απλά μια πρόβλεψη για
το μέλλον, είναι μια πραγματικότητα για το μεγαλύτερο μέρος της ανθρωπότητας.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Β. Παραδοσιακές
ηγεσίες και «νέος ρεφορμισμός» - Προσαρμογή στην τρέχουσα καπιταλιστική επίθεση</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Οι παραδοσιακές
ηγεσίες του εργατικού κινήματος όχι μόνο δεν αντιπαλεύουν την καπιταλιστική
επίθεση, αλλά προσαρμόζονται σε αυτήν. Η σοσιαλδημοκρατία είναι πλήρως
ενσωματωμένη στον κρατικό μηχανισμό και οι ηγέτες που προήλθαν από τον
σταλινισμό συμβαδίζουν με τις πολιτικές της εθνικής αστικής τάξης. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Η μαζική υποχώρηση
της σοσιαλδημοκρατίας και των σχηματισμών του τύπου των εργατικών κομμάτων δεν
περιορίζεται μόνο στην Ευρώπη, αλλά είναι παγκόσμια. Στον Καναδά, για
παράδειγμα, είδαμε την ηγεσία του συνδεδεμένου με τα συνδικάτα </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">NDP</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> να δεσμεύεται,
στην καμπάνια ενόψει των ομοσπονδιακών εκλογών του Οκτώβρη του 2015, για<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>έναν «ισορροπημένο προϋπολογισμό» με κάθε
κόστος. Η εφαρμογή μιας τέτοιας πολιτικής θα απαγόρευε σε μια ενδεχόμενη
κυβέρνηση του </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">NDP</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> να αναστρέψει τα μέτρα λιτότητας που εισήγαγε η προηγούμενη
κυβέρνηση του Συντηρητικού Κόμματος, υπό τον </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Stephen</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Harper</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">H</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> πολιτική κατάπτωση του </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">NDP</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> και η στάση της “στρατηγικής ψήφου”
την οποία ακολουθεί η πλειοψηφία της συνδικαλιστικής γραφειοκρατίας διοχέτευσαν
τη δυσαρέσκεια των εργαζομένων για τη λιτότητα σε μια νίκη του Φιλελεύθερου
Κόμματος του </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Trudeau</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, που έκανε ένα σύντομο προσποιητό ελιγμό στα αριστερά του </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">NDP</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Όσον αφορά τα
λεγόμενα «λαϊκιστικά» ρεύματα της Νοτίου Αμερικής, απέδειξαν την αδυναμία τους
να αλλάξουν τα πράγματα<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>σε σοβαρό βαθμό
και απέρριψαν κάθε σαφή ρήξη με τον ιμπεριαλισμό και το εγχώριο κεφάλαιο. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ο λεγόμενος «νέος
ρεφορμισμός» είναι σύμπτωμα της ανόδου της πολιτικής συνείδησης, αντανάκλαση
της ανάπτυξης των αγώνων. Αλλά η κυβερνητική πολιτική του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ δείχνει το
πόσο πολύ αυτές οι δυνάμεις προσαρμόζονται στον καπιταλισμό της κρίσης, σε
χρόνο ρεκόρ, και το πόσο έτοιμες είναι να εφαρμόσουν την αστική ατζέντα οι
ίδιες, αφού δεν έχουν καν τους μαζικούς δεσμούς με την εργατική τάξη που ο
«παλιός» ρεφορμισμός είχε αποκτήσει. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Τα αναρχικά και
αυτόνομα ρεύματα καταφέρνουν να προσεγγίσουν ένα μέρος της εξεγερμένης
νεολαίας. Πρέπει να έχουμε μια πολιτική απεύθυνσης προς αυτά τα ρεύματα, με
ανοιχτή κάποιες φορές τη δυνατότητα τακτικής συνεργασίας με ορισμένα από αυτά.
Σε κάθε περίπτωση, δεν πρέπει να εγκαταλείψουμε το πεδίο του ριζοσπαστισμού σε
αυτά τα ρεύματα, εξηγώντας ταυτόχρονα γιατί η πολιτική του αναρχικού και
αντιεξουσιαστικού χώρου είναι αδιέξοδη. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Γ. Χρόνια αστάθεια
του συστήματος, μαζική αντίσταση και πολιτικοποίηση</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ο συσχετισμός των
δυνάμεων είναι πολύ δυσμενής για εμάς, αλλά η μαζική αντίσταση ταρακουνάει κάθε
ήπειρο. Η κρίση του συστήματος δημιουργεί χρόνια πολιτική αστάθεια. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Η βαρβαρότητα της
καπιταλιστικής επίθεσης θρέφει φαινόμενα κοινωνικής και πολιτικής
οπισθοδρόμησης. Η παραδοσιακή αριστερά, όταν παίρνει την εξουσία, καθοδηγεί η
ίδια την αστική επίθεση, ανοίγοντας έτσι το δρόμο στην ακροδεξιά. Αυτό βέβαια
δεν σημαίνει ότι οι ιδέες της ακροδεξιάς είναι πλειοψηφικές στην εργατική τάξη.
Στην εκλογική βάση αυτών των ακροδεξιών ρευμάτων, ωστόσο, μπορούμε να βρούμε
έναν μεγάλο αριθμό εργαζομένων, που ήταν ανάμεσα στα πρώτα θύματα της
καπιταλιστικής επίθεσης. Μια σύσσωμη αντεπίθεση της εργατικής τάξης, που θα
πετύχαινε σημαντικές νίκες, θα μπορούσε να κερδίσει ξανά πολλούς από αυτούς που
προσωρινά γοητεύονται από την ακροδεξιά δημαγωγία. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Το αποτέλεσμα της
επίθεσης, στο πλαίσιο της κρίσης, δεν είναι μονόπλευρο. Πυροδοτεί επίσης μαζικά
κινήματα αντίστασης και μια νέα πολιτικοποίηση. Η δυναμική της πόλωσης φαίνεται
ξεκάθαρα στην εκλογή του Τραμπ. Παρόλο που ο ίδιος συμβολίζει την ολοένα και
πιο αντιδραστική πολιτική της άρχουσας τάξης, εξελέγη μέσα σε μια συγκυρία όπου
οι κινητοποιήσεις αναπτύσσονται και το ενδιαφέρον για τις σοσιαλιστικές ιδέες
στην καρδιά της μεγαλύτερης παγκόσμιας δύναμης είναι μεγαλύτερο απ’ ό,τι εδώ
και δεκαετίες. Με παρόμοιο τρόπο, οι ανά τον κόσμο δυνατότητες για κοινωνικές
εκρήξεις και συλλογικούς αγώνες μεγαλώνουν. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Μεταξύ σημαντικών
τμημάτων της νεολαίας και της εργατικής τάξης υπάρχει η πεποίθηση ότι έχουμε
ένα σάπιο σύστημα που οδηγείται σε αποτυχία. Τις περισσότερες φορές, οι μάζες
που αγωνίζονται ξέρουν τι δεν θέλουν πλέον και νιώθουν βαθιά αποστροφή για το
καπιταλιστικό σύστημα, χωρίς όμως να ξέρουν με τι να το αντικαταστήσουν και
πώς. Δεν βλέπουμε, όμως, μόνο αγώνες ως μηχανική απάντηση στις επιθέσεις, αλλά
επίσης διεργασίες συσσώρευσης εμπειριών, πολιτικοποίησης, ανασυγκρότησης και
οργάνωσης. Οι τεράστιες πανεθνικές κινητοποιήσεις ενάντια στην αναθεώρηση του
εργασιακού νόμου στη Γαλλία, ο αγώνας των χαμηλόμισθων εργαζομένων για το
δικαίωμα δημιουργίας σωματείου και για $15 ελάχιστο ωρομίσθιο, καθώς και η
άνοδος του κινήματος </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Black</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Lives</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Matter</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> στις ΗΠΑ, οι πρωτοφανείς φοιτητικές κινητοποιήσεις στο Κεμπέκ, οι
μαζικές εργατικές απεργίες στην Ασία, και κυρίως στην Κίνα και την Ινδία, είναι
ήδη γνωστά παραδείγματα. Αλλά βλέπουμε επίσης το ανανεωμένο ενδιαφέρον για τον
σοσιαλισμό, όπως αντικατοπτρίζεται στις δύο νίκες του </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Corbyn</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> στο βρετανικό
Εργατικό Κόμμα, και το ανανεωμένο ενδιαφέρον για τις σοσιαλιστικές ιδέες στις
ΗΠΑ. Όλα αυτά τα σημάδια δείχνουν ότι στοιχεία αντικαπιταλιστικής
συνειδητοποίησης υπάρχουν. Πρόκειται όμως ακόμα για μια άνιση και περιορισμένη
διαδικασία. Τα εχθρικά προς τον σοσιαλισμό ρεύματα δρέπουν τους καρπούς της
βαθιάς δυσαρέσκειας. Η εκλογική απήχηση του </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">FIT</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">στην Αργεντινή, η ανασύνθεση του
συνδικαλιστικού κινήματος στη Νότια Αφρική, παρά τις αδυναμίες κάθε περίπτωσης,
και βέβαια το ενδιαφέρον για τον σοσιαλισμό στις ΗΠΑ<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>δείχνουν ότι οι αντικαπιταλιστικές ιδέες
μπορούν να αποκτήσουν μαζική αποδοχή. </span><span style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.0pt;">ΙΙΙ - Η εργατική τάξη παίζει πάντα κεντρικό ρόλο</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Μια ευρέως
διαδεδομένη άποψη στους κινηματικούς κύκλους θρέφει τον σκεπτικισμό για το κατά
πόσο η επανάσταση είναι επίκαιρη. Αυτή η άποψη ισχυρίζεται ότι η νεοφιλελεύθερη
επίθεση έχει εξαλείψει τη μόνιμη εργασία και έχει αποδυναμώσει τόσο πολύ την
εργατική τάξη, που αυτή δεν μπορεί να παίξει πια κεντρικό ρόλο. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Στην
πραγματικότητα, η εργατική τάξη παγκοσμίως είναι σήμερα αριθμητικά μεγαλύτερη
παρά ποτέ. Στη Νότια Κορέα μόνο υπάρχουν σήμερα τόσοι μισθωτοί, όσοι υπήρχαν
παγκοσμίως τον καιρό του Μαρξ. Η εργατική τάξη, η οποία κατά την άποψή μας
αποτελείται από όλους τους μισθωτούς οι οποίοι δεν έχουν διευθυντική εξουσία,
αποτελούν σήμερα το 80-90% του πληθυσμού στις πιο εκβιομηχανισμένες χώρες και
περίπου το μισό του παγκόσμιου πληθυσμού. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ο αριθμός των
βιομηχανικών εργατών παγκοσμίως, από 490 εκ. το 1991, έφτασε στα 715 εκ το 2012
(στοιχεία της Διεθνούς Οργάνωσης Εργασίας). Η ανάπτυξη της βιομηχανίας ήταν
ταχύτερη από αυτή της παροχής υπηρεσιών μεταξύ του 2004 και του 2012! Ο
βιομηχανικός τομέας δεν συρρικνώνεται, αλλά ο γεωργικός συρρικνώνεται, από 44%
σε 32% του παγκόσμιου εργατικού δυναμικού. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Είναι αλήθεια ότι η
βιομηχανική εργατική τάξη μειώθηκε αριθμητικά στις παλιές καπιταλιστικές
δυνάμεις. Αλλά ο ρόλος της στο εργατικό κίνημα απέχει πολύ από το να γίνει
δευτερεύων, όπως για παράδειγμα αποδείχθηκε από τους σιδηροδρομικούς και τους
εργάτες των διυλιστηρίων στη Γαλλία, στις μαζικές απεργίες του 2010 και του
2016. Και η προλεταριοποίηση των εργαζομένων στην παροχή υπηρεσιών δημιουργεί
νέους κλάδους μισθωτών στις καπιταλιστικές μητροπόλεις, που πρόσφατα απέδειξαν
τη μαχητικότητά τους. Για παράδειγμα, οι εργαζόμενοι στην καθαριότητα στην
Ολλανδία το 2010 και 2012, όπως και οι εργαζόμενοι στο εμπόριο και τα </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">fast</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">food</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> που συμμετείχαν στο κίνημα για τα $15 στις ΗΠΑ, αντανακλούν αυτή
την τάση. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Δεν είναι αλήθεια
ότι η αύξηση της μερικής απασχόλησης κάνει την εργατική τάξη ανίκανη να
οδηγήσει σε σημαντικούς αγώνες και να παίξει επαναστατικό ρόλο. Στο παρελθόν, η
πολύ μεγαλύτερη εργασιακή ανασφάλεια και η απουσία μεγάλων βιομηχανιών δεν
σταμάτησαν την παριζιάνικη εργατική τάξη από το να πάρει την εξουσία στην
Κομμούνα του 1871. Σήμερα, οι εργαζόμενοι βρίσκουν τον τρόπο να κινητοποιηθούν
παρόλα τα εμπόδια που έχει δημιουργήσει η καπιταλιστική επίθεση. Η μεγαλύτερη
απεργία εδώ και δεκαετίες στη Γαλλία, σε συμμετοχή και διάρκεια, ήταν η απεργία
των εργατών χωρίς χαρτιά το 2009-2010, που ενέπλεξε 6000 απεργούς για 10 μήνες,
συμπεριλαμβανομένων 1500 εργαζομένων με μικρές συμβάσεις ορισμένου χρόνου που
οργανώθηκαν σε απεργιακή επιτροπή. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Με την αναδιάρθρωση
της βιομηχανίας σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο, η καπιταλιστική παγκοσμιοποίηση
δημιούργησε νέες εργατικές τάξεις στις χώρες του Νότου, των οποίων η δυναμική
φάνηκε στις πρόσφατες κινητοποιήσεις: στο κύμα απεργιών στην Κίνα από το 2010,
στις μαζικές απεργίες στην Προύσα της Τουρκίας το 2015, στη δημιουργία μαζικών
μαχητικών συνδικάτων στην Ινδονησία, στο ρόλο των σωματείων και των μαζικών
απεργιών που απαιτούσαν την παραίτηση του πρωθυπουργού στη Νότια Κορέα στο
τέλος του 2016.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Οι αγώνες αυτοί
αναπτύχθηκαν, ως επί το πλείστον, παρά τις ηγεσίες των συνδικάτων. Για να
καταλήξουν αυτοί οι αγώνες στην αμφισβήτηση του συστήματος, είναι απαραίτητο να
ξαναχτίσουμε μια εργατική ηγεσία για την παγκόσμια ταξική πάλη. Η οικοδόμηση
μιας ταξικής πτέρυγας μέσα στο υπάρχον εργατικό κίνημα, ανεξάρτητης από τις
επίσημες ηγεσίες, ικανής να κινητοποιήσει διαδικασίες για την οικοδόμηση δομών
αυτοοργάνωσης και απεργιακών επιτροπών, είναι κεντρικό καθήκον για μια επαναστατική
διεθνή. Οι διαφοροποιήσεις ή οι ρήξεις εντός του εργατικού κινήματος δείχνουν
ότι υπάρχουν νέες δυνατότητες. Τέτοια παραδείγματα είναι η διαδικασία για τη
δημιουργία μιας νέας συνδικαλιστικής ομοσπονδίας, σε ρήξη με το </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ANC</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(Αφρικανικό Εθνικό Κονγκρέσο), στη
Νότια Αφρική, οι διαφοροποιήσεις στο εσωτερικό της </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">CGT</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">στη Γαλλία και οι συζητήσεις για την
προοπτική σχηματισμού ενός ταξικού «μπλοκ εργατών» μετά το κίνημα ενάντια στη
μεταρρύθμιση του εργασιακού νόμου.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Αν συνυπολογίσουμε
όλους τους παραπάνω παράγοντες, η παγκόσμια εργατική τάξη δεν είχε ποτέ ξανά
έναν τόσο δυνητικά ισχυρό ρόλο. Κάθε τομέας της εργατικής τάξης δεν έχει το
ίδιο αντικειμενικό βάρος στην παραγωγική διαδικασία και δεν είναι ικανός να
παίξει τον ίδιο ρόλο. Κι αυτό πρέπει να το συνυπολογίσουμε στην προσπάθειά μας
να οργανώσουμε και να στρατολογήσουμε. Αλλά οι επαναστάτες πρέπει να παίρνουν
στα σοβαρά τον κεντρικό ρόλο της εργατικής τάξης, και να αναπτύσσουν μια
συμπαγή πολιτική παρέμβαση σε σχέση με αυτόν. Αυτό το καθήκον δεν πρέπει να
αναληφθεί μόνο σε επίπεδο εθνικών τμημάτων, αλλά να αποτελέσει θέμα συζήτησης
και σε διεθνές επίπεδο.<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-size: 13.0pt;">IV</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-size: 13.0pt;"> </span></b><b><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.0pt;">- Οι δικές μας
προτάσεις</span></b><span style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Α. Οικοδόμηση
επαναστατικών κομμάτων της πρωτοπορίας - Η επικαιρότητα του Λενινισμού</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Στο “Αριστερισμός,
παιδική αρρώστια του κομμουνισμού”, ο Λένιν όρισε με τον παρακάτω τρόπο την
κομματική πειθαρχία και το πώς οικοδομείται ένα επαναστατικό κόμμα στελεχών, σε
πλήρη αντίθεση με τη σταλινική καρικατούρα:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">«Και πριν απ’ όλα
γεννιέται το ερώτημα: πώς κρατιέται η πειθαρχία του επαναστατικού κόμματος του
προλεταριάτου; Πώς ελέγχεται; Πώς δυναμώνει; Πρώτο, με τη συνειδητότητα της
προλεταριακής πρωτοπορίας και την αφοσίωσή της στην επανάσταση, την αντοχή, την
αυτοθυσία της, τον ηρωισμό της. Δεύτερο, με την ικανότητά της να συνδέεται, και
ως ένα ορισμένο βαθμό, αν θέλετε, να συγχωνεύεται με την πιο πλατιά μάζα των
εργαζομένων, πρώτα-πρώτα με την προλεταριακή, μα ακόμη και με τη μη
προλεταριακή εργαζόμενη μάζα. Τρίτο, με την ορθότητα της πολιτικής καθοδήγησης,
που την πραγματοποιεί αυτή η πρωτοπορία, με την ορθότητα της πολιτικής
στρατηγικής και τακτικής της, με τον όρο ότι οι πλατιές μάζες θα πείθονται από
την ίδια τους την πείρα γι΄ αυτή την ορθότητα. Χωρίς αυτούς τους όρους είναι
απραγματοποίητη η πειθαρχία μέσα σ’ ένα επαναστατικό κόμμα, πραγματικά ικανό να
είναι το κόμμα της πρωτοπόρας τάξης, που έχει καθήκον να ανατρέψει την αστική
τάξη και να μετασχηματίσει όλη την κοινωνία. Χωρίς αυτούς τους όρους, κάθε
απόπειρα να δημιουργηθεί πειθαρχία μετατρέπεται αναπόφευκτα σε σαπουνόφουσκα,
σε λογοκοπία, σε πιθηκισμούς. Από το άλλο μέρος, οι όροι αυτοί δεν μπορούν να
παρουσιαστούν αμέσως. Τους διαμορφώνει μόνο μια μακρόχρονη δουλειά, μια δύσκολη
πείρα,<sup>.</sup> η επεξεργασία τους διευκολύνεται με τη σωστή επαναστατική
θεωρία που με τη σειρά της δεν είναι δόγμα, αλλά διαμορφώνεται τελικά μόνο σε
στενή σύνδεση με την πρακτική δράση ενός πραγματικά μαζικού και πραγματικά
επαναστατικού κινήματος.» [Β.Ι. Λένιν, “ο «Αριστερισμός», παιδική αρρώστια του
κομμουνισμού”, Σύγχρονη Εποχή, Ιούλιος 2001, σελ. 10].<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">“Δεν υπάρχει
επανάσταση χωρίς επαναστατικό κόμμα”. Αυτό σημαίνει ότι, πέρα από τις
διαφορετικές τακτικές που οι επαναστάτες μπορεί να υιοθετήσουν για την
οικοδόμηση του κόμματός τους ανάλογα με τη χώρα και την κατάσταση, στρατηγικός
στόχος παραμένει η οικοδόμηση επαναστατικών κομμάτων, κομμάτων για την κατάληψη
της εξουσίας και για τον κομμουνισμό. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Για να μην χτίσουμε
επαναστατικές οργανώσεις που θα ικανοποιούνται με διακηρυκτικές αρχές, στόχος
μας είναι να οικοδομήσουμε ένα κόμμα στελεχών ικανό να δίνει ζωή στις
προγραμματικές μας αρχές, πράγμα που σημαίνει ότι προσπαθούμε να εφοδιάσουμε
κάθε μέλος με τα απαραίτητα μέσα για να φτάσει στο υψηλότερο δυνατό επίπεδο
εκπαίδευσης, για να είναι σε θέση να παίξει ρόλο στην καταστροφή του
καπιταλισμού και την οικοδόμηση μιας άλλης κοινωνίας. Αλλά η εκπαίδευση πρέπει
να είναι άμεσα συνδεδεμένη με τη μαχητική πολιτική πρακτική μας. Για να
μπορέσουμε να απαλλαγούμε από το σύστημα που γεννά την εκμετάλλευση και την
καταπίεση, πρέπει να περιορίσουμε όσο περισσότερο μπορούμε το κενό μεταξύ της
ιδιωτικής και της δημόσιας σφαίρας. Αυτό το κενό είναι προϊόν του
καπιταλιστικού συστήματος στο οποίο ζούμε. Απέναντι λοιπόν στη λογική αυτή του
“διαχωρισμού”, θα πρέπει συνειδητά να προβάλλουμε την προοπτική της επανάστασης
και να είμαστε συνεπείς στις επιλογές και τον τρόπο ζωής μας. Ένα τέτοιο κόμμα
είναι απολύτως αντίθετο με την ατομική απογοήτευση. Είναι μια ελεύθερη ένωση
ενάντια στην κυρίαρχη ιδεολογία που προωθείται μέσω του κράτους, του σχολείου
και της οικογένειας. Είναι σχεδιασμένο για την ανασύνταξή μας ώστε να πετύχουμε
ένα κοινό στόχο: την καταστροφή του καπιταλιστικού συστήματος, που βασίζεται
στην εκμετάλλευση και την καταπίεση, και την οικοδόμηση μιας άλλης κοινωνίας,
της κομμουνιστικής κοινωνίας.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Η προσπάθεια να αποκτήσουμε
ρίζες στην εργατική τάξη και τα καταπιεσμένα στρώματα είναι καθοριστική. Είναι
απαραίτητο να συζητιέται συστηματικά και να δουλεύεται με τα κατάλληλα
εργαλεία. Ως εκ τούτου, η επικαιρότητα της εξεγερσιακής γενικής απεργίας ως
κύρια “στρατηγική πρόταση” στο μεγαλύτερο μέρος του κόσμου και η ανάλυσή μας
για την κεντρικότητα της εργατικής τάξης πρέπει να καθορίζει άμεσα την
πρακτική, τόσο των τμημάτων μας όσο και διεθνώς. Τι σημαίνει αυτό; Σημαίνει ότι
έχουμε μια ενεργή προσέγγιση στο να κερδίσουμε έδαφος στους βασικούς τομείς της
καπιταλιστικής οικονομίας. Είναι λοιπόν αναγκαίο να γίνει προσπάθεια σε αυτή
την κατεύθυνση σε κάθε τμήμα αλλά ταυτόχρονα είναι επίσης αναγκαίο και η
Διεθνής να συμβάλει στην επίτευξη αυτού του στόχου και να συμμετάσχει ενεργά
στην προσπάθεια. Με τον απαραίτητο θεωρητικό εξοπλισμό αλλά και με τη
συγκεντροποίηση των πληροφοριών. Σημαίνει όμως επίσης, ότι αναπτύσσουμε
συστηματικά μια ανεξάρτητη πολιτική παρέμβαση για να απευθυνθούμε στην εργατική
τάξη. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Κάθε επαναστάτης
και επαναστάτρια πρέπει να σκέφτεται ταυτόχρονα πώς θα αντεπιτεθούμε τόσο στις
πολιτικές λιτότητας, όσο και στο καπιταλιστικό-πατριαρχικό σύστημα. Ο μόνος
τρόπος για να υπερασπιστούμε τα κοινωνικά μας κεκτημένα και να κερδίσουμε
περισσότερα παραμένει η κινητοποίηση της εργατικής τάξης και της νεολαίας. Κάθε
κοινωνική κατάκτηση έχει κερδηθεί μέσω τέτοιων αγώνων και αυτό αποδεικνύει και
η ιστορία του 20<sup>ου </sup>αιώνα. Τα δικαιώματα των εργαζομένων και των
γυναικών δεν κερδήθηκαν στις κάλπες, αλλά μέσω απεργιών και διαδηλώσεων. Υπό
αυτή την έννοια το κυριότερο καθήκον μας είναι να ξαναχτίσουμε την ταξική
συνείδηση. Ο πιο αποτελεσματικός τρόπος για να γίνει αυτό παραμένει ο αγώνας
για την υπεράσπιση των συμφερόντων της εργατικής τάξης ενάντια σε εκείνα της
μπουρζουαζίας. Συγκεντρώσεις, διαδηλώσεις, καταλήψεις, συνελεύσεις, απεργίες,
αυτά συνεχίζουν να είναι τα καταλληλότερα εργαλεία για την άνοδο της ταξικής
συνείδησης των καταπιεσμένων. Αυτό δεν σημαίνει ότι αγνοούμε τις βουλευτικές
εκλογές, αλλά ότι τις υποτάσσουμε στο σχεδιασμό μας για την κινητοποίηση των
εργαζομένων. Για εμάς στρατηγικά δεν είναι δυνατόν οι εκλογές να αποτελούν
αυτοσκοπό, παρά μόνο ένα μέσο για την ενδυνάμωση της κινητοποίησης της
εργατικής τάξης και των καταπιεσμένων και την ανάπτυξη της ταξικής συνείδησης.
Οι εργαζόμενοι και η νεολαία πρέπει να παλεύουν ενάντια σε κάθε είδους
καταπίεση και να συνδέουν αυτούς τους αγώνες με την πάλη για συνολική
χειραφέτηση της εργατικής τάξης. Για να όμως γίνει αυτό, είναι απαραίτητο οι
μαζικές εργατικές οργανώσεις να περιλαμβάνουν στο πλαίσιό τους αιτήματα όπως
για παράδειγμα ίση αμοιβή για ίση εργασία, σεβασμός των δικαιωμάτων των </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">LGBTQI</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> και κοινωνικοποίηση της οικιακής εργασίας. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Η στρατηγική
διαδικασία να προχωρήσουμε στο τέλος του καπιταλισμού και της πατριαρχίας είναι
μια σειρά κινητοποιήσεων χωρίς διαλείμματα, που κάνουν την εργατική τάξη να
συνειδητοποιεί την αναγκαιότητα της κατάληψης της εξουσίας για την πραγματική
κοινωνική αλλαγή. Οι απεργίες δεν αποτελούν φετίχ, αλλά έναν ουσιαστικό δρόμο
ώστε οι εργαζόμενοι και οι εργαζόμενες να πιστέψουν στις δικές τους δυνάμεις.
Οι απεργίες είναι «σχολεία της ταξικής πάλης» ακριβώς επειδή αποτελούν στιγμές
όπου η τάξη μπορεί να αυτοοργανώνεται. Είναι μέσα από τις συγκρούσεις που οι
εργαζόμενοι και οι εργαζόμενες δημιουργούν αυτόματες αντιδράσεις και
μηχανισμούς για να αντισταθούν στις πολιτικές της αστικής τάξης. Οι επαναστάτες
όχι μόνο δεν πρέπει να αγνοούν τους αγώνες, ακόμα κι αν αυτοί είναι μικροί,
αλλά αντίθετα να συμμετέχουν σε αυτούς. Ως εκ τούτου πρέπει να βρούμε λύσεις
στην ανεπάρκειά μας να έχουμε ισχυρή παρουσία μέσα στην εργατική τάξη και να
συμμετέχουμε ενεργά στους αγώνες της.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Μια επαναστατική
Διεθνής, που δε δίνει προτεραιότητα στη νεολαία, είναι καταδικασμένη σε
εξαφάνιση</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Η νεολαία συνεχίζει
να παίζει το ρόλο της πρωτοπορίας σε επίπεδο τακτικής. Η θεωρία που ανέπτυξε ο
Μαντέλ είναι ακόμα επίκαιρη. Το βλέπουμε στις διαδικασίες των αραβικών
επαναστάσεων, ή τις κινητοποιήσεις στη Λατινική Αμερική, στο Μεξικό και στη
Χιλή, ή στη Γαλλία στις κινητοποιήσεις ενάντια στο </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">CPE</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, και κατά πάσα
πιθανότητα θα το δούμε σύντομα στις κινητοποιήσεις ενάντια στον Τραμπ στις ΗΠΑ.
Η νεολαία διαδραματίζει πάντα τεράστιο ρόλο στους αγώνες και έτσι η
στρατολόγηση τους είναι σαφώς ζωτικής σημασίας για κάθε επαναστατική οργάνωση.
Για να είμαστε συνεπείς με την παραπάνω θέση, πρέπει να επαναβεβαιώσουμε τα
θεωρητικά, πρακτικά και μαχητικά χαρακτηριστικά του ρεύματός μας.
Υπερασπιζόμαστε την αυτονομία των νέων, μια αυτονομία όμως η οποία είναι άμεσα
συναρτημένη με το προλεταριάτο και τα ιστορικά του συμφέροντα, αλλά
επιτυγχάνεται μέσα από δομές οργάνωσης που δεν είναι μεν ανεξάρτητες, αλλά
αυτόνομες, από τις οργανώσεις του εργατικού κινήματος και των κομμάτων που
οικοδομούμε. Γι’ αυτό και θέτουμε ως στόχο, όπου αυτό είναι δυνατόν, την οικοδόμηση
επαναστατικών οργανώσεων της νεολαίας. Οι τομείς νεολαίας εντός των οργανώσεών
μας μας είναι ένα ενδιάμεσο βήμα προς αυτό το στόχο. Πρέπει επίσης να έχουμε
έναν συγκεκριμένο προσανατολισμό για την παρέμβαση στους φοιτητές και μαθητές.
Είναι ένα κομμάτι της νεολαίας που συμμετέχει ενεργά στις ανατροπές κατά τη
διάρκεια των επαναστατικών διαδικασιών . Το διεθνές κάμπινγκ νεολαιών παίζει
έτσι θεμελιώδη ρόλο στην υλοποίηση αυτή της πολιτικής και για αυτό δεν θα
πρέπει να μετατραπεί σε ένα χώρο όπου αποκλείονται όσες φωνές διαφωνούν με την
ηγεσία της 4<sup>ης</sup> Διεθνούς. Η απαγόρευση της συμμετοχής της νεολαίας
του </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">NPA</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> στο περσινό κάμπινγκ δείχνει μια ανησυχητική τόσο θεωρητική όσο
και πρακτική/πολιτική αδυναμία. Αντίστοιχα ανησυχητική ήταν και η απαγόρευση σε
4 συντρόφους και συντρόφισσες της </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">IZAR</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> να μπουν και να κάνουν ένα
εργαστήριο στο χώρο του κάμπινγκ. Κάποιοι από αυτούς οικοδομούσαν την 4<sup>η</sup>
για δεκαπέντε χρόνια. Αναγκάστηκαν να πραγματοποιήσουν το εργαστήριό τους στο
χώρο του πάρκινγκ με περισσότερους από 70 συντρόφους και συντρόφισσες να
παρευρίσκονται, για να καταλάβουν, να συζητήσουν και να μοιραστούν τις απόψεις
τους με τους συντρόφους και τις συντρόφισσες της </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">IZAR</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">. Αυτά τα γεγονότα
είναι συμπτώματα ενός παραλυτικού και φοβικού σεχταρισμού. Είναι μια </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">de</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">facto</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> μορφή κακής εκπαίδευσης καθώς οι νέοι και νέες σύντροφοι και
συντρόφισσες εξοικειώνονται με τέτοιες πρακτικές αποκλεισμού με το πρόσχημα της
ιδεολογικής καθαρότητας και της μάχης ενάντια στο «φραξιονισμό».<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Δεν υπάρχουν σινικά
τείχη μεταξύ του σχεδίου που υπερασπιζόμαστε για την κοινωνία, του
κομμουνισμού, και του κόμματος που προσπαθούμε να οικοδομήσουμε. Πρέπει να
υπάρχει συνοχή μεταξύ των δύο αυτών μορφών. Το κόμμα μας δεν μπορεί να είναι
μια νησίδα κομμουνισμού, γιατί ζει και αναπτύσσεται μέσα σε ένα πλαίσιο
κοινωνικών σχέσεων που κυριαρχούνται από την πατριαρχία και το καπιταλιστικό
σύστημα. Θα πρέπει, όμως, να προσεγγίζουμε όσο μπορούμε το στόχο μας. Αυτό,
βέβαια, αφορά και τη σχέση μεταξύ των μελών, τα οποία πρέπει να συμμορφώνονται
στις δημοκρατικές αρχές και να μην έρχονται σε αντίθεση με το πρόγραμμα πάλης
ενάντια σε όλες τις μορφές καταπίεσης. Αλλά πάνω απ’ όλα, το ίδιο το κόμμα
είναι η ελεύθερη ένωση μεταξύ ανδρών και γυναικών που παλεύουν μαζί για τον
κομμουνισμό, αναπτύσσοντας σχέσεις που δεν<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>μπορεί να έρχονται σε αντίθεση με τις αρχές της χειραφέτησης. Είμαστε
αντίθετοι σε κάθε κατασκευασμένη από το κεφάλαιο μορφή διαχωρισμού μεταξύ
πνευματικής και χειρωνακτικής εργασίας, μεταξύ ανδρών και γυναικών, μεταξύ
ημεδαπών και αλλοδαπών, μεταξύ του δημόσιου και του ιδιωτικού τομέα.
Απορρίπτουμε κάθε ταμπού μέσα στις οργανώσεις, αλλά αντιθέτως οικοδομούμε μια
προγραμματική και πρακτική μαχητική ενότητα όλων των συντρόφων και συντροφισσών
μέσα από συζήτηση και επαλήθευση στην πράξη.</span><span style="color: black;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">B</span></b><b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">. Υποστηρίζοντας ένα
μεταβατικό πρόγραμμα για τον 21<sup>ο</sup> αιώνα</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Η 4<sup>η</sup>
Διεθνής θα πρέπει να προβάλει μια σειρά βασικών μέτρων, σε μια μεταβατική
προσέγγιση, αρχίζοντας από καθημερινά ζητήματα και αιτήματα και συνδέοντάς τα
με το ζήτημα της εξουσίας και το ιδανικό για μια άλλη κοινωνία. Τελικά, η
σύνδεση των σημερινών αγώνων θεμελιώνεται στο στόχο της αμφισβήτησης των
πυλώνων του καπιταλιστικού συστήματος.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Πρωταρχικός στόχος
αυτού του προγράμματος είναι η απαλλοτρίωση των βασικών τομέων της οικονομίας.
Η τραπεζική κρίση και οι διασώσεις τραπεζών δημιουργούν μια νέα ευκαιρία για να
εξηγήσουμε και να διαδώσουμε την ανάγκη για εθνικοποίηση του τραπεζικού
συστήματος. Οι πτωχεύσεις εταιρειών, οι μαζικές απολύσεις και οι αγώνες τους
οποίους προκαλούν προσφέρουν μια ευκαιρία για να έρθει η μάχη για εργατικό
έλεγχο στο προσκήνιο και για να εξηγήσουμε την ανάγκη για απαλλοτρίωση των
μέσων παραγωγής, διανομής και ανταλλαγής. Μια μεταβατική προσέγγιση
ενσαρκώνεται στο αίτημα «Καμία απόλυση, εργατικός έλεγχος στις προσλήψεις». <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Οι ορυκτοί πόροι δεν
είναι άπειροι. Σύντομα θα φτάσουμε στο ανώτατο όριο των εξορύξεων. Με τη δομική
του λογική, ο καπιταλισμός πάντα στοχεύει στην αύξηση της κατανάλωσης και τη
μεγαλύτερη αξιοποίηση πρώτων υλών και ενέργειας. Σκοπός του καπιταλισμού είναι
να παράγει όλο και περισσότερο και να μεγιστοποιεί το κέρδος. Ο καπιταλισμός δεν
μπορεί να είναι «πράσινος». Ο καπιταλισμός καταστρέφει το περιβάλλον και τα
φυτικά και ζωικά είδη. Καταστρέφει τον πλανήτη. Και πάλι όμως, δεν μπορεί να
υπάρξει συνεπής οικολογική πολιτική χωρίς συνεπή μάχη ενάντια στον καπιταλισμό
και χωρίς την κατανόηση ότι το μόνο υποκείμενο που είναι ικανό να ανατρέψει τον
καπιταλισμό και να σταματήσει την οικολογική καταστροφή που αυτός δημιούργησε
είναι η εργατική τάξη. Αν μοιραζόμαστε αυτή την ανάλυση, θα πρέπει να βγάλουμε
και τα συμπεράσματα που προκύπτουν από αυτήν, όσον αφορά την κοινωνική μας
βάση, την παρέμβαση και τον προσανατολισμό μας. Πράγματι, απέναντι στην
οικολογική καταστροφή, η εργατική τάξη μαζί με τα σύμμαχα στρώματα είναι η μόνη
δύναμη που μπορεί να επιβάλει μια αντικαπιταλιστική οικολογική μετάβαση. Μια
τέτοια μετάβαση θα εστίαζε στην αντικατάσταση των ορυκτών καυσίμων και της
πυρηνικής ενέργειας με πράσινες, βιώσιμες εναλλακτικές λύσεις και στην ανάγκη
για μια παγκόσμια σχεδιασμένη οικονομία.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ο καπιταλιστικός
κόσμος εξακολουθεί να δομείται και να οργανώνεται από τον ιμπεριαλισμό, του
οποίου τα συμφέροντα αδιαφορούν πλήρως για κάθε λαό. Αυτό παρά το γεγονός ότι
το κεφάλαιο μπορεί σποραδικά να επιλέγει να υποστηρίξει ένα συγκεκριμένο αγώνα,
με τις δικές του μεθόδους και για την εκπλήρωση των δικών του στόχων.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ο αντιιμπεριαλισμός
θα πρέπει να είναι στο επίκεντρο της παρέμβασης και της δράσης μας. Είμαστε
ενάντια σε όλες τις ιμπεριαλιστικές επεμβάσεις και υπέρ της απόσυρσης όλων των
ιμπεριαλιστικών στρατευμάτων. Το ότι είμαστε αλληλέγγυοι στον Κουρδικό λαό, για
παράδειγμα, δεν σημαίνει ότι αποφεύγουμε να αναδείξουμε την κεντρική ευθύνη του
ιμπεριαλισμού τόσο για την ανάπτυξη αντιδραστικών ρευμάτων, όπως το </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ISIS</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, όσο και για τις
άθλιες συνθήκες διαβίωσης των λαών της περιοχής. Ακόμα κι έτσι, και
αναγνωρίζοντας ότι τα αντιδραστικά ρεύματα έχουν μια δική τους λογική και
αυτονομία, συμμετέχουμε στις διαδηλώσεις για την υπεράσπιση του Κουρδικού λαού,
συνδυάζοντας ταυτόχρονα την αμέριστη υποστήριξή μας με την κάθετη απόρριψη κάθε
ιμπεριαλιστικής επέμβασης. Αυτός είναι ο λόγος που δεν αποδεχόμαστε τις
εκκλήσεις προς τις κυβερνήσεις να στείλουν όπλα στους Κούρδους. Δεν
καλλιεργούμε την ψευδαίσθηση ότι η δική μας αστική τάξη θα μπορούσε να
υπερασπιστεί τους λαούς της περιοχής.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Απέναντι στον δικό
μας ιμπεριαλισμό, ο ρόλος μας δεν είναι να δημιουργούμε ψευδαισθήσεις του
τύπου: όπλα, όχι βόμβες. Αυτό ακριβώς συνέβη όταν βουλευτές της Κοκκινοπράσινης
Συμμαχίας στη Δανία ψήφισαν τον πολεμικό προϋπολογισμό, με το πρόσχημα ότι θα
επέτρεπε την αποστολή όπλων, για να βρεθούν όμως πολύ γρήγορα μπροστά στο
δεύτερο βήμα, που ήταν και το μόνο για το οποίο νοιαζόταν η δανέζικη κυβέρνηση
και όλοι οι υπόλοιποι, δηλαδή να στείλουν τα δανέζικα </span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">F</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">16 που σήμερα
βομβαρδίζουν το Ιράκ, σε συμμαχία με τη Γαλλία και τις ΗΠΑ.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Οι εξεγερμένες
εργατικές τάξεις θα πρέπει να αντιμετωπίσουν ταυτόχρονα και το δικό τους εθνικό
κράτος και τους διεθνείς ιμπεριαλιστικούς μηχανισμούς, όπως η ΕΕ. Το ότι «στην
ίδια μας τη χώρα βρίσκεται ο εχθρός» σημαίνει ότι παλεύουμε και ενάντια στους
διεθνείς ιμπεριαλιστικούς μηχανισμούς στους οποίους συμμετέχει η «δικιά μας»
αστική τάξη. Ενώ εναντιωνόμαστε κάθετα σε κάθε εθνικιστική καπιταλιστική
εναλλακτική, γνωρίζουμε ότι μια αντικαπιταλιστική επαναστατική πολιτική είναι
εντελώς ασύμβατη με τη συμμετοχή στην ΕΕ.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Γνωρίζουμε ότι ο
αγώνας ενάντια στον ιμπεριαλισμό, το ρατσισμό, τη λιτότητα και την
καπιταλιστική κυριαρχία δεν είναι ένας αγώνας που περιορίζεται εντός των
εθνικών συνόρων. Ούτε όμως μπορεί να επιτευχθεί χωρίς ρήξη με τις
καπιταλιστικές πολιτικές της ΕΕ και της ΕΚΤ, με το ευρωπαϊκό χρηματοπιστωτικό
κεφάλαιο, με τις ξενοφοβικές, αντιμεταναστευτικές πολιτικές της «Ευρώπης
Φρούριο». Επίθεση εναντίον της εξουσίας της εθνικής αστικής τάξης σημαίνει
επίσης ρήξη με όλους τους θεσμούς της ΕΕ. Ενάντια στην Ευρώπη της τρόικα,
προτάσσουμε τη διεθνή αλληλεγγύη, αγωνιζόμαστε για μια ελεύθερη σοσιαλιστική
συμμαχία των εργατών και των λαών της Ευρώπης.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Η αύξηση των
ιμπεριαλιστικών πολέμων και επεμβάσεων είναι αδιάρρηκτα συνδεδεμένη με την
επιβολή της παγκόσμιας λιτότητας. Κάθε μέρα γινόμαστε αυτόπτες μάρτυρες πολέμων
με ισοπεδωτικούς βομβαρδισμούς, μαζικές δολοφονίες, πολέμους ιδιωτικών ή
μισθοφορικών στρατών, επιθέσεις με μη επανδρωμένα μαχητικά, πολεμικές κυρώσεις και
εμπάργκο και σχεδόν μυστικούς πολέμους, όπως στην περίπτωση της
επαναποικιοποίησης και λεηλασίας της Αφρικής από την Αμερικανική Διοίκηση
Αφρικής.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Όλα αυτά καθοδηγούμενα από τον
αμερικάνικο ιμπεριαλισμό, την παγκόσμια υπερδύναμη, και τις σύμμαχές του ιστορικές
ευρωπαϊκές αυτοκρατορίες. Ο γαλλικός ιμπεριαλισμός, επίσης, όπως και άλλες
ευρωπαϊκές πρώην αποικιοκρατικές δυνάμεις, παρεμβαίνουν όλο και περισσότερο
στην Αφρική και αλλού, προκειμένου να ενισχύσουν και να επεκτείνουν τα
συμφέροντά τους. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Κανένας πόλεμος που
διεξάγεται από το ιμπεριαλιστικό κτήνος δεν είναι «ανθρωπιστικός». Και ποτέ δεν
έχουν υπάρξει τέτοιοι. Ο όρος, αυτός καθαυτός, είναι αποκρουστικός για τους
επαναστάτες, ο λόγος ύπαρξης των οποίων είναι να αντιμάχονται κάθε
ιμπεριαλιστική επέμβαση και κάθε πόλεμο. Η άνευ όρων υποστήριξη του δικαιώματος
της αυτοδιάθεσης των καταπιεσμένων λαών είναι θεμελιώδης επαναστατική
σοσιαλιστική αρχή. Η 4<sup>η</sup> Διεθνής πρέπει να απορρίψει δίχως δεύτερη
σκέψη κάθε έκκληση για ιμπεριαλιστική βοήθεια ενάντια σε τοπικούς τυράννους και
δικτάτορες. Μια τέτοια «βοήθεια» έρχεται μαζί με θανατηφόρες συνέπειες και
μοιάζει περισσότερο με το σχοινί της κρεμάλας παρά με κάποια “καλοπροαίρετη” ή
“δημοκρατική” αρωγή. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Η απελευθέρωση των
καταπιεσμένων μπορεί να κατορθωθεί μόνο μέσω των δικών τους ανεξάρτητων μαζικών
οργανώσεων και της οικοδόμησης, συν το χρόνω και ασχέτως των δυσκολιών,
επαναστατικών σοσιαλιστικών κομμάτων λενινιστικού τύπου. Η απόρριψη
ιμπεριαλιστικών επεμβάσεων κάθε τύπου είναι προϋπόθεση για κάθε νικηφόρο εθνικό-απευλευθερωτικό
αγώνα. Ελεύθεροι από τον ιμπεριαλιστικό ζυγό, οι καταπιεσμένοι λαοί είναι σε
καλύτερη θέση να καθορίσουν το δικό τους μέλλον και να αντιμετωπίσουν
αποτελεσματικότερα τη δική τους αστική τάξη. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Απέναντι στους<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>ασταμάτητους κατακτητικούς πολέμους του
ιμπεριαλισμού, τα κεντρικά αιτήματα της 4<sup>ης</sup> Διεθνούς θα πρέπει να
είναι «Φέρτε πίσω τους φαντάρους» και «Δικαίωμα στην αυτοδιάθεση όλων των
καταπιεσμένων λαών».<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Υπερασπιζόμαστε το
δικαίωμα της αυτοδιάθεσης των λαών, αλλά δεν ακολουθούμε την ηγεσία καμίας
αστικής τάξης, ακόμα κι αν αυτή προέρχεται από ένα καταπιεσμένο έθνος. Για τους
καταπιεσμένους λαούς υποστηρίζουμε ταυτόχρονα τον δημοκρατικό αγώνα για
αυτοδιάθεση και τον αγώνα για την αταξική κοινωνία. Αυτό σημαίνει ότι, στο
πλαίσιο της στρατηγικής μας, ο αγώνας για εθνική ανεξαρτησία είναι χρήσιμος για
την ταξική χειραφέτηση μόνο αν καθοδηγείται από την ίδια την εργατική τάξη.
Επομένως, αγωνιζόμαστε για την ταξική ανεξαρτησία των εργαζομένων από την
αστική τάξη και μέσα στα καταπιεζόμενα έθνη. Για παράδειγμα, ο αγώνας για την
αυτοδιάθεση των λαών που καταπιέζονται από το Ισπανικό Κράτος είναι χρήσιμος
μόνο αν είναι ταυτόχρονα αγώνας ενάντια στον καπιταλισμό κι αν καθοδηγείται από
την τάξη μας.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Το πρόγραμμά μας
δεν είναι εκλογικό πρόγραμμα ή πρόγραμμα διακυβέρνησης. Μπορεί να
πραγματοποιηθεί μόνο μέσα από την κινητοποίηση της ίδιας της τάξης και των
καταπιεσμένων, φέρνοντας στην εξουσία μια Εργατική Κυβέρνηση, που θα
καταστρέψει το αστικό κράτος, στηριζόμενη στις δομές αυτοοργάνωσης που προκύπτουν
από την κίνηση της τάξης μας σε συμμαχία με όλους τους καταπιεσμένους, <b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Γ. Οικοδομώντας μια
επαναστατική διεθνή</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Επιμένουμε πως
πρέπει να θέσουμε ως στόχο την οικοδόμηση μιας μαχητικής διεθνούς, μιας
οργάνωσης ικανής να ηγηθεί διεθνώς συντονισμένων παρεμβάσεων.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ακόμα και με μικρές δυνάμεις, μια οργάνωση με
βάσεις σε μια πληθώρα χωρών, που δρα συντονισμένα, μπορεί να πολλαπλασιάσει την
αποτελεσματικότητα της πολιτικής της παρέμβασης.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Η διεθνής μας
πρέπει να ανανεώσει τη συζήτηση για το επαναστατικό κομμουνιστικό πρόγραμμα που
απαντά στην καπιταλιστική πραγματικότητα του 21<sup>ου</sup> αιώνα, αντί να
μένει προσκολλημένη σε θεωρητικές συζητήσεις χωρίς σύνδεση με την πολιτική
πρακτική. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Εμείς, μόνοι μας
δεν μπορούμε να αποτελέσουμε την επαναστατική κομμουνιστική διεθνή. Πρέπει να
ενώσουμε επαναστάτες από διαφορετικές παραδόσεις, στη βάση της συμφωνίας για τη
σημερινή κατάσταση και τα καθήκοντα. Η πολιτική συζήτηση μπορεί να οδηγήσει σε
ενότητα με αρχές μόνο αν βασίζεται στην κοινή δράση. Η συσπείρωση των
επαναστατών διεθνώς πρέπει να περιληφθεί στους στόχους που συζητούμε εντός της
4<sup>ης </sup>Διεθνούς. Η οικοδόμηση μια επαναστατικής διεθνούς με σημαντική
επιρροή δεν θα γίνει μόνο μέσα από στρατολογήσεις στις δικές μας οργανώσεις. Η
4<sup>η</sup> Διεθνής πρέπει να προσκαλέσει άλλες επαναστατικές ομάδες, σε
εθνικό ή διεθνές επίπεδο, ώστε να ξεκινήσει τη συζήτηση για μια κοινή απάντηση
στην καπιταλιστική κρίση, για κοινές καμπάνιες, και να προτείνει τι είδους
οργάνωση μπορούμε και πρέπει να οικοδομήσουμε.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ξέρουμε ότι η
πολιτική συζήτηση με αγωνιστές και αγωνίστριες άλλων πολιτικών παραδόσεων δε θα
οδηγήσει άμεσα σε ενότητα. Γνωρίζουμε ότι οι ηγεσίες κάθε μιας από τις τροτσκιστικές
«διεθνείς» είναι πεπεισμένες για την ορθότητα των προγραμματικών, στρατηγικών
και τακτικών επιλογών τους. Επίσης, κάθε ομάδα είναι κατά κανόνα πεπεισμένη ότι
χρειάζεται να οικοδομήσει μια «διεθνή» αποκλειστικά γύρω από τον εαυτό της.
Ακόμα κι έτσι, πρέπει να αναγνωρίσουμε ότι δεν μπορούμε να οικοδομήσουμε μια
διεθνή για την επανάσταση και τον κομμουνισμό απλώς με “πρωταρχική συσσώρευση”
γύρω από τον δικό μας πυρήνα. Υπάρχει πάντα κάτι που μπορούμε να διδαχθούμε από
τις διαφορετικές τροτσκιστικές επαναστατικές παραδόσεις, και ακόμα και από
δυνάμεις έξω από αυτές. Υπάρχουν διαφορετικές εμπειρίες και αξιόλογοι αγωνιστές
και αγωνίστριες σε πολλά ρεύματα και οργανώσεις. Οι διασπάσεις, συσπειρώσεις
και η ανασυνθέσεις δυνάμεων θα επιτευχθούν μέσα από θεωρητικές και
προγραμματικές συζητήσεις και αντιπαραθέσεις, σε δημιουργικό συνδυασμό με την
παρέμβαση στο πεδίο της ταξικής πάλης.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Προσωρινό
συμπέρασμα</span></b><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Αυτό το κείμενο
συμβολής αποτελεί τη βάση για μια πρώτη κοινή προσπάθεια να ξεκινήσει μια
συζήτηση ενόψει του επόμενου παγκοσμίου συνεδρίου της 4<sup>ης</sup> Διεθνούς.
Υπερασπιζόμαστε την επικαιρότητα μιας διεθνούς που αρπάζει τις ευκαιρίες στο
σήμερα και οικοδομεί μια διεθνή για την επανάσταση και τον κομμουνισμό. Με βάση
τα κεντρικά πολιτικά σημεία αυτής της συμβολής, θέλουμε να ανοίξουμε μια ευρεία
συζήτηση, που απευθύνεται σε επαναστατικά ρεύματα μέσα και έξω από την 4<sup>η </sup>Διεθνή.
Θα υποστηρίξουμε τις ιδέες μας στη Διεθνή Επιτροπή, και πέρα από αυτή,
επιμένοντας ότι το επόμενο παγκόσμιο συνέδριο δεν μπορεί να πάρει άλλη αναβολή
και πρέπει οπωσδήποτε να γίνει μέσα στο 2018. Με βάση την οπτική αυτού του
κειμένου, θα συνομιλήσουμε με κάθε μέλος και κάθε τμήμα της 4<sup>ης</sup>
Διεθνούς που θέλει να έρθει σε επαφή μαζί μας. Αποσκοπούμε σε μια συζήτηση στην
οποία οι διαφωνίες θα γίνονται σεβαστές και σε μια διαδικασία που θα συμβάλει
στην ενίσχυση της 4<sup>ης</sup> Διεθνούς στο περιβάλλον της παγκόσμιας
καπιταλιστικής κρίσης. Ως επόμενο βήμα σε αυτή την κατεύθυνση, θα διοργανώσουμε
μια διεθνή διάσκεψη, για την προώθηση μιας πολιτικής συσπείρωσης εντός της 4<sup>ης</sup>
για μια εναλλακτική στη σημερινή πλειοψηφία της Διεθνούς. Πρωταρχικός μας
στόχος μας παραμένει η οικοδόμηση του ευρύτερου δυνατού πολιτικού ρεύματος για
την επιβεβαίωση της επικαιρότητας και την υπεράσπιση της προοπτικής της
οικοδόμησης μιας διεθνούς για την επανάσταση και τον κομμουνισμό.</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; mso-line-height-alt: 10.0pt; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Xavier Guessou, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος πολιτικής επιτροπής </span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">NPA</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, Γαλλία</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Armelle Pertus, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος εκτελεστικής επιτροπής </span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">NPA</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, Γαλλία</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Gaël Quirante, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">εκτελεστικής επιτροπής </span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">NPA</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, Γαλλία</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Juliette Stein, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος πολιτικής επιτροπής </span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">NPA</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, Γαλλία</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Mariajo Teruel, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος πολιτικής επιτροπής </span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">IZAR-</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Μάλαγα, Ισπανικό Κράτος</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Javier Castillo,
</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος πολιτικής
επιτροπής IZAR- Μαδρίτη, Ισπανικό Κράτος</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Tomás Martínez, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος πολιτικής επιτροπής </span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">IZAR-</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Αλμερία, Ισπανικό Κράτος</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Rubén Quirante, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος πολιτικής επιτροπής </span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">IZAR-</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Γρανάδα, Ισπανικό Κράτος</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Jeff Mackler, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">γενικός</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">γραμματέας</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> Socialist Action</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">ΗΠΑ</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Michael
Schreiber, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">συντάκτης</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">εφημερίδας</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> Socialist
Action</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">ΗΠΑ</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Christine Marie,
</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">πολιτικής</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">επιτροπής</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> Socialist
Action</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">ΗΠΑ</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Barry Weisleder,</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">γενικός</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">γραμματέας</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> Socialist Action/Ligue pour l’Action
Socialiste</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Καναδάς</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Elizabeth Byce, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">οικονομική υπεύθυνη</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> SA/LAS</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, Καναδάς</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Julius Arscott, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος κεντρικής επιτροπής</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> SA/LAS</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, Καναδάς</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Giuseppe
Caretta, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Collettivo
Guevara</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Ιταλία</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 2;"> </span>Angelo Cardone, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> <span lang="EN-US">Collectivo
Guevara, </span></span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Ιταλία</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Κλεάνθης Αντωνίου</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος πολιτικού γραφείου</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">ΟΚΔΕ-Σπάρτακος, Ελλάδα<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Ταξιάρχης Ευσταθίου</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος κεντρικής επιτροπής</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">ΟΚΔΕ-Σπάρτακος</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">ΠΣΟ</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">ΑΝΤΑΡΣΥΑ</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος Γενικού Συμβουλίου ΑΔΕΔΥ, Ελλάδα<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Φανή Οικονομίδου</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος πολιτικού γραφείου</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">ΟΚΔΕ-Σπάρτακος, Ελλάδα<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Μάνος Σκούφογλου</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος κεντρικής επιτροπής</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">ΟΚΔΕ-Σπάρτακος</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος ΚΣΕ</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">ΑΝΤΑΡΣΥΑ, Ελλάδα<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">Κώστας Σκορδούλης</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">, </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">μέλος εξελεγκτικής επιτροπής</span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;"> </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 150%;">ΟΚΔΕ-Σπάρτακος, Ελλάδα</span><span lang="FR" style="color: black; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 10.0pt; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: right; text-indent: 17.0pt;">
<br /></div>
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Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-31824935924060239712017-02-12T12:04:00.001+02:002017-02-12T12:05:28.358+02:00Chinese Translation of FI Opposition Platform Document: 第四国际反对派宣言: 让我们把握机会,建立革命与共产主义的国际<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: right;">
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<span style="color: cyan;"><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: 楷体;">按:第四国际反对派</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman";">Fourth International
Opposition Platform</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: 楷体;">在</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman";">2017</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: 楷体;">年</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman";">2</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: 楷体;">月初成立,此文件事实上是第四国际反对派的纲领文件。该文件准备提交</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman";">2017</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: 楷体;">年</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman";">2</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: 楷体;">月召开的第四国际国际委员会会议讨论。该文件第一次比较全面地论述第四国际反对派关于第四国际的境遇、当前局势、工人阶级在当前的作用等问题上的看法,并主张明确制订当前的过渡纲领,反对第四国际目前领导层提出的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman";">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: 楷体;">广泛性政党</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman";">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: 楷体;">战略,而主张代之以建立继承托洛茨基主义传统的革命与共产主义的党和国际。在此译出此文件供中国同志讨论。</span></span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a><span lang="EN-US" style="color: blue; font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: 新細明體; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">一、第四国际目前的境遇</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">1</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">、</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">广泛性政党</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">政策:危机下的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">革命资产损益表</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”<o:p></o:p></span></h4>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">第四国际领导层将</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">建立革命党</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">这一目标替代为</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">
“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">建立广泛性政党(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">broad
party</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">。适逢十月革命一百周年,有人问道:</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">革命必须要有先锋党</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">这个原则过时了吗?我们认为,没有过时。在刚过去的几次世界代表大会中,第四国际领导层明确着眼于建设</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">广泛性</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">政党,却没有给出明确的纲领和战略界限。这会造成什么样的后果?</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">最近一段时间里,我们见证了大量的失败。在西班牙,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">反资本主义者</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">
Anticapitalistas</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,第四国际西班牙支部</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">译按)准备与巴勃罗</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">伊格莱西亚斯(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Pablo
Iglesias</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(近年冒起的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">我们可以党</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">的领袖</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">译按</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">形成联合多数派,从而逐渐接受明确在资本主义制度框架内谋求执政的官僚领导层。为了获得选举或主流媒体的影响,他们要我们牺牲自己的目标</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">推翻资本主义制度。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">希腊激进左翼联盟(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Syriza</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)的经验被拥护到如此程度,以至于第四国际希腊支部因拒绝支持它而被国际内有些人指责为反革命</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">counterrevolutionary</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">。激进左翼联盟成为了这段时间的模范党派,但这等同于一场灾难。激进左翼联盟及其政府被称作</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">"</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">反紧缩</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">"</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">anti-austerity</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的政党和政府,但它已表明自己的身份:一部反对工人和人民的破坏性机器。几十年以来,我们看到过的最严重的压迫是由激进左翼联盟领导的反对青年和工人阶级的冲击。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">但这些只是一系列的灾难中的两个例子,并且这些灾难没有被认真分析以助于做出总结。失败的列表还很长:在巴西,(前)第四国际支部参加了卢拉(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Lula</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)政府;在意大利,第四国际同志在议会中支持普罗迪(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Prodi</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)政府的组建并投票赞成战争预算;在葡萄牙,第四国际支部最近支持了社会党(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">SP</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)政府的议程。所有这些失败的共同特征是,因在资本主义管理框架内支持政治力量或政府行动,而导致了第四国际各支部的错位和混乱。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">建立</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">广泛性政党</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">而非革命政党的政策事实上导致将我们自己的力量溶入了改良主义的联盟。的确,何必要在没有树立起革命共产主义的纲领之时来建设一个革命派别呢?这种情况真是令人警醒。多年来,我们目睹了第四国际支部的消失、解散或加速妥协、变质。当我们支持一个附属于资产阶级政党的政客,如伯尼</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">桑德斯(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Bernie
Sanders</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)时;或支持一个与工人运动没有任何关联特质的人,像巴勃罗</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">伊格莱西亚斯(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Pablo
Iglesias</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)时,我们不仅不能坚持阶级独立</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">的</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">原则,也不能最大程度提升我们的社会阶级独立反对资产阶级及其国家机器的能力。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<h4 style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 30.35pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">、</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">新形势、</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">
</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">新纲领</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">……”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">还是树立革命与革命共产主义纲领的现实意义?</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h4>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">尽管多年来经历了一系列失败,为什么第四国际领导层仍固执地奉行此政策?因为,它隐秘地放弃了对革命现实意义的言说,把它看作是在遥远的将来去完成的东西。在他们看来,社会各阶级的力量对比对我们十分不利,以至于当前的任务是基于被压迫者反统治阶级进攻的斗争,重建基本的阶级意识。在此无需革命指南,无需为组织战斗而提出过渡纲领,更无需共产主义纲领。对他们而言,重新集结所有那些准备抵抗的人、改良主义者和革命者,慢慢积累经验和实力,并等待更好的时机就足够了。为了实现这一目标,适当的工具就是</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">广泛性政党</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">这成为与各种社会力量</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">甚至不是经典意义上的改良主义者</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">结盟的理由。他们期待形成一种没有共产主义纲领基础也没有工人阶级社会基础的力量。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">然而地中海南部的革命进程</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(指</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2011</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">年开始的名为阿拉伯之春的民众起义</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">译按</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">和希腊的局势证明了革命纲领的必要性和现实意义:不断上升和更为激进的阶级矛盾呼唤着革命。难道不是绝对有必要来取消债务,实现银行和经济中关键部门的国有化并将其置于工人监督之下吗?这些要求不应只保留在对俄国革命史著作的深思中。希腊支部试图用自己微薄的力量实施这种革命政策,但并未得到第四国际领导层的支持。这种革命政策当然意味着反对激进左翼联盟领导层的政治斗争。但那场确切的战斗并没有打响。以</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">新纲领</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">和</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">新政党</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">要适应</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">新局势</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">为名,第四国际领导层直到第</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">11</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">小时(此指</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2015</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">6</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">月</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">22</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">日齐普拉斯政府提出新紧缩政策以寻求欧盟财政援助之事</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">校按)还在支持支持阿列克西斯</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">齐普拉斯(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Alexis
Tsipras</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)(引用自</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2015</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">8</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">月第四国际的宣言)。希腊的例子极有教育意义。它证明了,在资本主义危机时期,改良主义都不可能成为一种解决方案。不仅由激进左翼联盟领导的政府被证明是最苛刻的资产阶级政府之一,而且仅用大约一年时间,激进左翼联盟自己就完全从左翼改良主义蜕化为资产阶级的社会民主党。同资产阶级民族主义政党独立希腊人党(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">ANEL</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)联合组阁、</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">那些后来分裂出来组成人民团结党</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">(Popular
Unity)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">、现在被第四国际领导层支持的人一直都没反对此事</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">来自两大主要资产阶级政党新民主党(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">ND</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)和泛希腊社会主义运动(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">PASOK</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)的许多前政治和行政人员的加入,及绝大多数青年与积极分子的离心,已经不可逆转地改变了激进左翼联盟党。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">这是企图在资本主义框架内处理危机的改良主义政党的共同命运,无论这些党的领导层的意愿如何。这是一个第四国际领导层从来没有得出的结论。相反,他们得出的结论是齐普拉斯因不明原因而</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">投降</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">capitulation</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,而剥离了任何阶级内涵。最后,实际结果是第四国际的领导层渴望重蹈覆辙。他们继续通过西班牙支部多数派去结盟,去适应伊格莱西亚斯今天的政策。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<h4 style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 30.35pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">3</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">、积极分子的缺乏和一系列民主问题</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h4>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">第四国际国际委员会</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">International
Committee</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">会议现在已经衰退到只辩论而不分析实际结果了。辩论在继续,却没有确定或计划任何国际协调性的运动。然而,我们在世界各地都有同志领导着反抗资本主义的斗争。理论讨论必须得自实践:各支部的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">革命资产损益表</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">应当为讨论提供教益。思想交锋应产生出明确的共同任务。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">在国际范围内,没有共同的目标,没有政治和物质的相互支持,我们的组织是不可能在各国有所发展的。但最重要的是,我们的国际不能再是一个讨论俱乐部了;它必须是革命行动的工具。处理全球范围内阶级斗争的政治问题、思考我们在每个国家遇到的问题,并齐心协力解决之</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">这才是一个</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">世界党</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">应该做的事情。建立这样一个国际党,至少朝着那个方向步步迈进,才是摆在我们面前的任务。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">最近,西班牙支部</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">反资本主义者</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的多数派开除少数派的行动</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">少数派在上届全国代表大会中得到了</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">20%</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的支持率</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">,</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">并且现在组建为革命反资本主义左翼(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">IZAR</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">揭示了一个严重的民主问题。第四国际领导层拒绝对西班牙支部多数派路线</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">作</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">任何批评。更糟糕的是,他们以支部具有否决权为借口不许西班牙少数派参与国际委员会:这完全违背了我们的工人民主原则。这个原则包括被开除时为自己辩护的权利。这条原则甚至存在于许多改良主义组织中。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">但对于革命反资本主义左翼的同志们来说它并不存在。所以支部内的多数派可以任意开除少数派,不给任何上诉的机会。幸运的是,法国支部多数派的同志们和新反资本主义党(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">NPA</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)不持这种对待政治分歧的独裁观点,也没有对少数派采取这种行动!我们加拿大社会主义行动派(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">SA-Canada</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)的同志也是这种开除行为的受害者。当然这些开除行为的背后自有其政治逻辑。当有同志不同意领导层的政策时,基本的民主规则就会被束之高阁。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">同时,正如发生在希腊的那样,第四国际领导人乐于与第四国际以外的团体一起工作,却对自己支部施加压力,将其隔离。第四国际领导层经常称我们的国际为是</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">最民主</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的国际倾向。但事实上,面对因政治分歧造成的分裂,国际社会主义倾向</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">(IST)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的西班牙组织和国际工人联盟(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">IWL</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)的巴西组织在维持与那些分裂出去的团体的关系时,显得更为开放。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">我们不得不去绘制多数派的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">革命资产损益表</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">了:这些亏损源自他们在</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2010</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年第四国际世界代表大会上倡导的政策。这次国际委员会会议必须订好下次世界代表大会的召开日期,并启动相关讨论。下次世界代表大会必须在</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2018</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年召开。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<h2 align="center" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: center;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">二、革命力量和共产主义思想发展壮大的机会</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h2>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">我们不像第四国际领导层那样欣赏当前的局势。纵然现在资产阶级的压迫日益猛烈,但这会走向它的对立面,并为我们提供革命共产主义者声望渐涨并获得力量的可能性。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<h4 style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 30.35pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">1</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">、利润率的下降趋势:危机根源</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h4>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">资本家的根本问题仍然是利润率下降的趋势。生态危机与经济危机共同发生,导致资本主义陷入了无法自拔的旷日持久的危机。为了将利润率维持在原来的水平,资本家被迫颠覆了以往的统治模式,这造成了工人阶级的历史性失败。这是当前的资本主义压迫的含义。帝国主义国家之间的紧张度在上升,军事干涉在增加。难民的数量呈爆炸式增长,每一个主要国家的政府都公开鼓励种族主义和排外主义。野蛮已不只是预测中可能的将来了</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">;</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">它已成为人类最主要的现实。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<h4 style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 30.35pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">、传统领导层和</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">新改良主义</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">new reformism</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">适应当前的资本主义压迫</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h4>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">远离了资本主义战斗前线的传统工人运动领导人正在适应目前的资本主义压迫。社会民主党完全被整合到了国家机器里,源自斯大林主义的领导人妥协于本国资产阶级的政策。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">社会民主党与工党的大规模退却不只发生于欧洲。全世界到处如此。例如在加拿大,与工会相联系的新民主党</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimHei;">NDP</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">领导承诺,在</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2015</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">10</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">月联邦选举中,无论如何都要</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">平衡预算</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">。这项政策的实施将防止新民主党政府扭转之前史蒂芬</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">哈珀(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Stephen
Harper</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)领导的保守党政府所推行的多数严厉的紧缩措施。新民主党的政治默许、工会官僚</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">战略性投票</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的立场和日益增长的工人对紧缩的不满,导致了贾斯汀</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">特鲁多(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Justin
Trudeau</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)的自由党(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Liberal Party</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)的胜利。他们仅仅假装比新民主党更左。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">至于南美洲所谓的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">民粹主义</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,他们证明自己没有能力使现状发生任何重要的转变,他们也拒绝同帝国主义和国内资本划清界限。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">所谓的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">新改良主义</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">是不断上升的政治自觉和愈加激烈的阶级斗争反映出的一种症状。但是执政的激进左翼联盟(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Syriza</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)的政策表明了他们对资本主义危机的妥协:在创纪录的时间内,他们已准备好亲自执行资产阶级的议程,即便丢光</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">旧</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">改良主义者曾掌握的工人阶级基础也在所不惜。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">无政府主义者或自治运动成功</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">主导</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">了部分青年反抗活动。我们必须有一项政策去回应这些流派,不排除有时与其中一些人达成策略性协定的可能。但在任何情况下,我们都不应该放弃我们比他们激进的领域,同时应解释为什么他们的政策会陷入僵局。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<h4 style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 30.35pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">3</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">、资本主义体制的慢性不稳定、群众的反抗和政治化</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h4>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">目前的力量对比对我们极为不利。但是群众反抗的浪潮震撼着每一个大陆。资本主义体制的危机带来了慢性政治不稳定。残酷的资本主义压迫导致了社会和政治的衰退。传统左翼在上台后主导的资本主义的攻击,为极右</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">派</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">翼的增长提供了空间。但这远非是大多数工人的意见。然而在这些极右翼流派的选举支持者中,我们仍可以发现大量工人</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">虽然他们都是资本主义的</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">首当其冲的</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">受害者。如果有一个团结而强大的工人阶级反击并赢得重大胜利,我们可以重新赢得暂时被极右翼蛊惑的人的支持。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">在大危机背景下,资产阶级压迫的影响不只有一面。它同时也带动了群众抵抗运动和新的政治化。特朗普(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Trump</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)的当选很好地说明了这种两极化。虽然他象征着统治阶级日益反动的政策,但是,在美国这个超级大国里,他是在社会动员日渐增长,人们对社会主义思想的兴趣相比过去几十年也大为提高的情况下当选的。同样,世界范围的社会暴动和集体斗争的可能性也在增加。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">在青年和工人阶级的大量人员中,已经有了一种观念:那就是资本主义正在日益腐朽,走向灭亡。大部分时候,斗争中的群众知道他们不再想要什么了,他们虽然对资本主义制度深恶痛绝,却不知道用什么、也不知道怎么样来替换它。但我们不能只把阶级斗争看作对于资产阶级进攻的机械反抗,而应当视之为一种经验的积累,一种重新政治化、组织化的团结过程。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">在法国,大规模的群众动员起来抗击新《劳动法》;在美国,低工资工人争取</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">15</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">美元</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">/</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">小时最低工资和工会组织权、</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">黑人的命也是命</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Black
Lives Matter</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)等运动如火如荼地开展;在加拿大魁北克,学生被前所未有地动员起来;在亚洲,特别是在中国和印度,发生了大规模的工人罢工。我们也看到,杰里米</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">柯尔宾(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Jeremy
Corbyn</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)在英国工党内的两次胜选重新引发了对社会主义的兴趣,在美国也再度举起对社会主义的兴趣。所有这些迹象都表<span style="color: black;">明,反资本主义认识的基础仍然存在。</span></span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">然而这是一个</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">极不均匀而有</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">局</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">限</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">性</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的过程。敌</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">视社会主义的人正在收获人</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">民不满</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">的果实。但</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">阿根廷工人左翼阵线(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">FIT</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)在大选中获得大量支持者、南非工会运动的重组,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">社会主义</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">在美国重新引起人们的兴趣,(尽管前两者的经验都有局限),</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">却</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="color: black; font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">都表明反资本主义理念可以获得大量追随者。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">三、工人阶级始终起着核心作用</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">怀疑革命存在的现实意义在激进左翼圈内是一种很普遍的观点。它争辩说,新自由主义的猛攻应该已经消灭了全职工作,削弱了工人阶级,以至于工人阶级已不再起核心的作用。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">事实上,今天的全球工人阶级比以往任何时候都要多。仅仅在韩国,工人的数量就比卡尔</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">马克思时全世界的工人数量还要多。我们眼中的工人阶级</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">即那些不行使管理权的工薪劳动者</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">现在占全球总人口的近一半;且占工业化水平最高的那些国家人口的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">80%</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">至</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">90%</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">就全球而言,全世界的产业工人数量去从</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">1991</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">4.9</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">亿增长到</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2012</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">7.15</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">亿(国际劳工组织</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">[ILO]</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">数据)。工业增长速度甚至快于</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2004</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年至</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2012</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年服务业的增长速度!工业部门并没有萎缩,但农业部门确实缩减了,农业从业人口在全球劳动力总数中所占比率从</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">44%</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">下降到</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">32%</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的确,老牌资本主义列强中产业工人阶级的数量下降了,但他们在阶级斗争的作用远不是次要的:法国铁路工人和炼油厂工人在</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2010</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年和</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2016</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年的大罢工都证明了这一点。服务业的无产阶级化在老牌资本主义国家的大都市中创造了新的工薪阶层,他们最近证明了自己的战斗性。例如,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2010</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年和</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2012</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年荷兰历史性的清洁工人大罢工,以及美国零售及快餐食品业工人争取最低小时工资</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">15</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">美元的运动和战斗,都反映了这一趋势。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">日益增多的兼职工作使得工人阶级不能再领导重大的阶级斗争和革命的观点是不正确的。过去,少得多的工作保障和缺乏大工业并没有阻止</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">1871</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年巴黎公社的工人掌握政权。今天,无论资本主义如何阻挠,工人们已经找到了通向团结的道路。在法国,几十年来人数最多、历时最长的罢工是</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2009</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">—2010</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年的无证移民工人大罢工,它历时</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">10</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">个月,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">6000</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">多名罢工者(包括</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">1500</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">名短期合同工)参与罢工并组织在一个罢工委员会中。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2009</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年的法属瓜德罗普岛</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Guadeloupe</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">总罢工体现了工人使受压迫者团结起来以威胁统治精英的能力。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">通过重新组织全球工业,资本主义全球化在南方国家创造了新的工人阶级,这些国家的潜力在最近的动员中显示出来:自</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2010</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年以来发生在中国的罢工潮、</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2015</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年土耳其布尔萨的大罢工、印度尼西亚大规模激进工会的成立、</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2016</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年底韩国的工会运动和要求总统辞职的大罢工。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">在大多数情况下,工人选择撇开工会领导层进行斗争。这些斗争最终会挑战资本主义制度,因此有必要重建世界阶级斗争中工人的领导地位。建立工人运动中的阶级斗争一翼和独立于官方工会的领导层,尤其是建立起一个工人阶级自我组织的罢工委员会,是国际革命的中心任务。工人运动内部的分化和分裂预示着新可能性的开启。例如,在南非,在新工会的创建过程中与非洲人国民大会党(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">African
National Congress</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">ANC</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,简称非国大)的决裂;法国总工会(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Confédération
Générale du Travail</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">CGT</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)的分化,以及劳动法改革运动后对形成阶级斗争的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">工人集团</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">workers’ block</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的讨论。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">如果我们考虑到所有这些因素,那么可知全球工人阶级从来没有过如此强大的潜力。工人阶级的每个工种在生产机制中的客观权重不同,且不能够发挥相同的作用。我们必须在我们的组织工作和吸收新成员的工作中考虑到这个情况。但革命者必须认真对待工人阶级的核心作用,并且加强与此有关的坚实的政治参与。这项任务不应仅由各国支部承担,而应成为国际层面定期讨论的主题。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">四、我们的建议</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">1</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">、建设革命先锋党</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">列宁主义的当下意义</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h4>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">以下是列宁在《共产主义运动中的左派幼稚病》中谈及的党的纪律、以及革命干部党应如何建立的问题(而非斯大林主义丑化的那样):</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">这里首先发生这样一个问题:无产阶级革命政党的纪律是靠什么来维持的?是靠什么来检验的?是靠什么来加强的?第一,是靠无产阶级先锋队的觉悟和它对革命的忠诚,是靠它的坚韧不拔、自我牺牲和英雄气概。第二,是靠它善于同最广大的劳动群众,首先是同无产阶级劳动群众,<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">但同样也同非无产阶级</b>劳动群众联系、接近,甚至可以说在某种程度上同他们打成一片。第三,是靠这个先锋队所实行的政治领导正确,靠它的政治战略和策略正确,而最广大的群众根据<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">切身经验</b>也确信其正确。一个革命政党,要真正能够成为必将推翻资产阶级并改造整个社会的先进阶级的政党,没有上述条件,就不可能建立起纪律。没有这些条件,建立纪律的企图,就必然会成为空谈,成为漂亮话,成为装模作样。可是另一方面,这些条件又不能一下子就产生。只有经过长期的努力和艰苦的实践才能造成这些条件;正确的革命理论</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">而理论并不是教条</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">会使这些条件容易造成,但只有同真正群众性的和真正革命的运动的实践密切地联系起来,这些条件才能最终形成。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(见中文马克思主义网络文库:</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">https://www.marxists.org/chinese/lenin/192004/marxist.org-chinese-lenin-192004-2.htm</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;"> </span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">──译按)</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">没有革命党就没有革命</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,这意味着,在革命战术的多样性之外,可以根据不同的国家和形势建设党。但建设革命的、夺取政权的和共产主义的党仍然是我们的战略目标。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">为了建立不仅仅满足于宣布原则内容的革命组织,我们的目标是建立一个能够赋予纲领原则以生命的干部党,这意味着让我们的每一个成员接受最高水平的教育,使他们能够在灭亡资本主义和建立另一个社会中发挥作用。但教育必须与我们的激进政治实践相一致。为了废除产生剥削和压迫的制度,我们必须尽我们所能缩小私人领域和公共领域之间的距离。这距离是我们所生活的资本主义制度的产物。为反对这种</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">分离</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的逻辑,我们自觉地追求革命的美好前景,它与我们在个人生活方面的选择和道路一致。这与个人的沮丧完全相反:这种前景反对由国家、学校和家庭传播的主流意识形态,而是由我们自由议定的解放与联合。我们这样做的目的是重组世界,以达到一个共同的目标</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">灭亡基于剥削和压迫的资本主义制度,建立另一个社会</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">共产主义社会。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">在工人阶级和受压迫者中扎根能起重要作用。此事必须得以系统地讨论并用专门的工具来推动。我们目前主要的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">战略前提</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">是世界大部分地区的起义性总罢工,与此相关的是,我们对工人阶级居于核心地位的分析也因此必须立即落实在国际和各支部的实践中。这意味着什么呢?这意味着我们要以积极的态度在资本主义经济的关键行业中赢得</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">工人</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">阶级</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">的</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">基础。不仅是每一个支部,而且第四国际本身也必须朝那个方向努力。既要研究理论,也要采集</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">和集中</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">信息。这还意味着我们要系统地发展独立的政治参与来回应我们的阶级。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">每一场革命都必须考虑我们要如何同紧缩政策和资本主义父权制作斗争。捍卫我们已有的社会成就并取得新社会成就的唯一方法,仍旧是动员工人阶级和青年。每一项已有的社会成就都是动员的结果。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">20</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">世纪的历史证明了这点。工人和妇女的权利不是在选票箱里获得的,而是通过罢工和动员获得的。在这种情况下,我们的主要任务是重建阶级意识。要实现此点,最有效的方法依然是为了工人阶级的利益而斗争并反对资产阶级的利益。集合、示威、占领、集会、罢工</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">这些活动仍然是唤起受压迫者的意识的最好工具。这并不意味着我们忽略了议会选举。但我们要将选举从属于动员。在我们的战略中,选举不应成为一个目标,而应该成为一种加强我们阶级的动员以提升阶级意识的方式。工人和青年必须通过斗争来反抗每一种压迫,并将此种斗争与他们的阶级解放斗争连接起来。因此,有必要将</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">青年</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">斗争平台</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">的</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">要素</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">包括在</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">工人阶级的群众组织中,如同工同酬、</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">LGBTQI</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">平权和家务劳动的社会化等。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">我们提出的终结资本主义和父权制的战略前提是,通过一系列不停的动员,使工人认识到,要想实现真正的社会变革,就必须掌握政权。罢工不是一种迷信,而是促使工人依靠他们自身潜在力量的重要途径。罢工是</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">阶级斗争的学校</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,因为工人阶级可以在罢工时自我组织起来。工人们正是通过冲突产生了反抗资产阶级政策的自主反应和机制。革命者不应忽视现在的斗争,即使它们规模很小。相反,我们必须参与其中。因此,我们需要找到解决我们的不足的办法,即在工人阶级中要有强大的存在,并参与战斗。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: 新細明體; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">一个不优先考虑青年的革命国际注定要消失</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">青年仍然发挥着策略先锋的作用。厄内斯特</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">曼德尔(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Ernest
Mandel</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)发展的理论至今仍然意义重大。无论是阿拉伯革命的进程,或在拉丁美洲,在墨西哥和智利的动员,或法国反对首次雇用契约法</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">(Contrat
première embauche, CPE)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的动员,及很快极有可能在美国反对</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">特朗</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">普的运动中,我们都能见证这一点。对任何革命组织来说,青年在斗争中的作用永远是最重要的,招募青年显然是我们的一个重要课题。与这种立场一致,我们重申我们派别理论的、实践的和激进的标志。我们支持青年</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">的自主</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">自治</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">autonomy</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,这种自治应服从无产阶级及其历史利益;但组织形式</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">的自治</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">不是独立的</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">independent</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,而只是从属于工人运动组织和我们建立的党的自治。所以我们的目标是,如果有可能,就建立青年革命组织。我们党的青年部门是实现这一目标的中介。我们也要有针对学生的具体定位。有一部分青年在革命过程中积极参与颠覆</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">体制的</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">活动。因此,国际青年营在这一政策中起着基础作用。但它不应成为一个不允许表达对于第四国际领导层不同意见的空间。上次青年营阻止新反资本主义党(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">NPA</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,法国)的青年同志参与的做法显现出令人担忧的理论和实践</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">/</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">政治上的虚弱。不允许四名革命反资本主义左翼</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">IZAR</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">,西班牙</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的同志入营讨论也同样令人不安。他们中的一些人已经参与第四国际的建设</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">15</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年了。他们不得不在停车场主办他们的讨论会,更有</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">70</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">多名年轻同志想了解、辩论、分享和出席那次讨论会。这些事件是一个可怕的、瘫痪性的宗派主义症状。这其实是错误的教育:年轻的同志们可能会习惯于以维护思想纯洁和反对</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">派别主义</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的斗争为借口,在实践上排斥异己。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">在我们提出的社会方案</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">共产主义和我们试图建立的政党之间不应隔一道万里长城。两者必须一致。我们的党不会是一个共产主义孤岛,因为它是在一个由父权制和资本主义制度决定的社会关系的框架中生存和发展的。但是我们必须尽可能接近我们的目标。当然,这要看各成员之间的关系,他们必须遵守民主原则,并且不违背我们反对一切压迫的斗争纲领。但除此之外,它是男女参与者为共产主义斗争,并遵守符合解放原则的关系而自由约定的联合。我们反对脑力劳动和体力劳动之间、男性和女性之间、本国人与外国人之间、私人领域与公共领域之间各种形式的由资本造成的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">隔离</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">。我们拒绝组织内部各种形式的忌讳,而主张通过辩论和实践的验证,建立起全体同志间纲领性、实践性和战斗性的团结。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<h4 style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 30.35pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">、提出</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">21</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">世纪的过渡纲领</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h4>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">第四国际应提出一系列关键的措施,一种过渡性的方法,从日常的问题和需求出发,把它们与对当权者的质疑和对新社会的渴望联系起来。最终,建立当下斗争间的联系可以导向挑战资本主义制度支柱的目标。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">这个纲领的中心内容应是没收经济中的关键部门。银行业的危机和救市措施为我们提供了新的机会来解释和传播银行国有化的必要性。公司破产、大量裁员及如影随形的斗争也提供了一个机会,来发展新的争取工人监督的斗争,并解释控制生产、分配和交换中各重要环节的必要性。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">不许裁员,工人监督招聘</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">No layoffs, for workers’ control over hiring</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">这个要求体现了一种过渡方法。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">化石和矿产资源不是无限的,开采的最大峰值将很快达到。资本主义的结构逻辑总是旨在增加消耗</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">利用更多的原料和能源。资本主义的目标永远是扩大生产和利润最大化。资本主义</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">是</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">不可能</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">环保</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">的</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">。资本主义破坏环境、灭绝物种。它在摧毁我们的星球。但是,必须再一次强调,没有一贯的反资本主义斗争,没能理解唯一能终结资本主义生态灾难的主体是工人阶级的话,就不会有一贯的生态政策。就我们的社会基础、我们的活动和我们的方向而言,如果我们同意这种分析,我们可以从中得出以上结论。事实上,与其他受压迫者联合的工人阶级是在面对生态大灾难时,唯一有能力实施反资本主义生态过渡的力量。这种过渡将重点放在用绿色</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: 新細明體; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">的、</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">可持续能源替代化石燃料与核能,并需要建立全世界的计划经济体制。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">资本主义世界仍然是由帝国主义安排和组织的,帝国主义的利益不受任何人的任何承诺的制约。尽管事实上资本会根据自己的方法和目标,偶尔选择支持某些特定的斗争。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">反帝国主义应该是我们宣传和活动的一个中心。我们反对所有的帝国主义干涉行动,并主张撤离所有帝国主义派出的军队。例如,我们声援库尔德人,我们必须指出,帝国主义对像伊斯兰国</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">ISIS</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">这样的反动势力的发展,和该区域各国人民所遭受的骇人听闻的苦难负有主要责任。即便如此,我们仍认为反动势力也有他们自己的逻辑和自主性,我们参加示威来保护库尔德人,同时把我们无条件保卫库尔德人与明确拒绝帝国主义干涉的主张连接起来。这就是为什么我们不赞同号召大家发起要求我们的政府向库尔德人提供武器的行动。我们必须打破那种以为资产阶级能保卫该地区人民的幻想。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">面对我们各自国家的帝国主义,我们不能在</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">那是武器,而非炸弹</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的问题上产生错觉。丹麦红绿联盟</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Red Green Alliance</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">成员以给库尔德人提供武器为借口,投票赞成战争预算,但他们很快面临第二个步骤,对于丹麦政府和其他一些国家而言,对它与的联盟及(联盟中的)其他成员来说,唯一重要的是丹麦的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">F-16</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">战机将参战。如今这些战机正协同法国和美国的战机一起轰炸伊拉克。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">反叛的工人阶级将不得不面对</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">自己</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">国家的国家机构和国际帝国主义机构,如欧盟。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">主要的敌人在国内</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">The main enemy is at home</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">指的是我们要同时对抗国际帝国主义联盟和参与其中的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">我们自己国家的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">资产阶级。在坚决反对任何民族主义和资本主义的替代措施时,我们知道,反资本主义的革命政策不符合欧盟成员国的身份要求。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">我们明白,反对帝国主义、种族主义、紧缩政策和资本主义统治的斗争不只是在单个国家内发动的斗争。但是如果不打破欧盟和欧洲央行的资本主义政策、欧洲的金融资本、</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">欧洲堡垒</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的排外政策和反移民政策,那么这场斗争就会成为空谈。向各国资产阶级政权进攻就是要打破欧盟的所有机构。我们要反对欧洲的</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">三驾马车</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(欧盟委员会(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">European
Commission</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">EC), </span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">欧洲央行</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">(the European
Central Bank</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">ECB) </span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">和国际货币基金组织</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">(the
International Monetary Fund</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">IMF)——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">译按)(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“the
Europe of the Troïka”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">非通用写法,正规叫法是</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">European
Troïka——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">译按),我们要捍卫国际团结,我们争取欧洲工人和人民的自由的社会主义联盟。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">与世界范围内的紧缩政策密不可分的是帝国主义战争和干涉的相应增加。我们几乎每天都目睹着由世界上唯一的超级大国美帝国主义及其历史悠久的欧洲帝国同行所发动的饱和轰炸、大屠杀、私人公司或雇佣兵战争、无人机战争、制裁和禁运战争、隐形战争等,还有美国非洲司令部对非洲的重新殖民和掠夺。法帝国主义及其他过去的欧洲殖民列强也是如此,越来越多地介入非洲及其他地区,以维持和扩大他们的利益。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">帝国主义野兽不会发动</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">人道主义战争</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">,从未有过这样的战争。这个词本身就令革命者厌恶:革命者之所以存在,是因为他们反对一切帝国主义的干涉和战争。无条件支持被压迫民族和族群的自决权是一项基本的革命社会主义原则。第四国际必须无条件抵制所有呼吁通过帝国主义援助以击败当地暴君和独裁者的行为。这种</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">援助</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">不可避免地带有附加条件:这些条件是致命的悬索,而非任何</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">良性</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">或</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">民主</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的援助。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">被压迫者的解放只能通过自己独立的群众组织,以及通过克服各种困难条件并及时地来建设列宁主义式革命社会主义政党来实现。抵制形形色色的帝国主义干涉是民族解放斗争获得成功和其他所有成就的必要条件。要让被压迫的民族摆脱帝国主义的枷锁,最好让他们自己决定自己的未来,并有效地挑战本国的资产阶级。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">面对帝国主义的不断的征服战争,第四国际的核心要求应当集中于</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">立即把军队带回家!</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Bring the Troops Home Now!</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">实现被压迫民族的自决!</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Right to self-determination for all oppressed nations!</span><span lang="ZH-TW" style="font-family: 新細明體; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW; mso-hansi-font-family: 新細明體;">)</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">我们捍卫各族群的自决权。但我们不追随任何民族资产阶级的领导,即使它来自被压迫民族。在被压迫民族里,我们要在争取自决权的民主斗争和争取无阶级社会的斗争之间寻找平衡。即根据我们的战略,只有在工人阶级自身的领导下,争取民族自由的斗争才会有利于工人阶级的解放。因此,我们在受压迫民族中争取工人阶级独立于资产阶级。例如,如果是在工人阶级领导下,并将被西班牙国家压迫的民族争取自决权的斗争与反对资本主义的斗争结合起来,那么这种斗争会有利于我们阶级的解放。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">这个纲领不是想要成为政府施政纲领的选举政纲。只有通过工人阶级和被压迫者的联合动员,由工人政府来掌握政权,通过由我们阶级的动员与所有被压迫者联合起来产生的自我组织机构来消灭资产阶级国家,才能实现这一目标。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<h4 style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 30.35pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">3</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">、建设一个革命的国际</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h4>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">我们坚持认为,我们应树立一个目标,建设一个战斗性的国际,一个能够在国际范围内领导并协调运动的组织。即使其力量弱小,但以数个国家为基础,在协调中行动的组织也能够扩大其政治参与的有效性。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">我们的国际必须重新开始讨论关于革命共产主义的纲领,以反映</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">21</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">世纪的资本主义现实,而不是坚持脱离政治实践的支离破碎的理论讨论。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; mso-char-indent-count: 2.0; text-indent: 21.0pt;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">单靠我们自己无法形成革命共产主义的国际。我们必须根据当前的形势和任务与源自不同传统的革命者达成协议,并基于此协议尽量团结他们。通过共同实践能在政治讨论中形成有原则的团结。在国际范围内重组革命者应成为第四国际内讨论的一个目标。只通过吸收成员到我们组织还不足以建设一个有显著影响的革命国际。第四国际应邀请其他某一国的革命组织或革命的国际团体来开始讨论共同应对资本主义危机和共同活动的必要性,以及共同探讨应建立哪种类型的组织的问题。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">我们知道,寻求与来自其他政治传统的激进分子进行讨论的政策在短期内不会导致与他们统一。我们明白每个托洛茨基主义</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">国际</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">的领导人都坚信他们在纲领、战略和策略上的立场是正确的。此外,每个组织都深信有必要仅以自己的组织为核心来建设一个</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">“</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">国际</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">”</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">。即便如此,我们必须承认,仅仅围绕我们自己的核心来进行原始积累,还不足以建设一个革命与共产主义的国际。我们总会从其他各种托洛茨基主义的革命传统中,甚至从托洛茨基主义以外的力量学到一些东西。在许多派别和组织中,有各种各样有价值的经验和活动者。若能将对理论和纲领的辩论和对全球各地爆发的阶级斗争的参与这两者创造性地结合起来,那么各种力量的将会重组和整合。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<h2 align="center" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: center;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">临时结论</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></h2>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">本文件是为第四国际下次世界代表大会的辩论的第一次联合努力的基础。我们保卫与现实紧密相联的国际,这个国际要能在当前局势中抓住时机,并应为建设革命与共产主义的国际而努力。基于本文件的政治要点,我们希望在第四国际内部和外部的革命派别中发起一场广泛的辩论。我们将在国际委员会会议上宣扬我们的理念,此外还会在世界代表大会上宣扬我们的理念</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">——</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">没有任何理由再推迟大会的召开,下次大会必须在</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">2018</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">年举行!从这个角度来看,我们将和每一个愿意与我们沟通的第四国际同志和支部共同发起这场辩论。我们希望这场辩论能够尊重分歧,并且在全球资本主义危机的背景下,此辩论的开展可以加强我们国际。为此,作为向那个方向发展的进一步努力,我们将组织一场国际会议,并且推动第四国际内部的政治重组,这还涉及到要提供一项替代第四国际多数派主张的方案。我们最重要的目标,是建设一个尽可能广泛的政治派别,以保卫并确定建设一个革命与共产主义的国际的现实意义。</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;">初始签署人:</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 150%;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<b><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">法国新反资本主义党(</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">NPA</span></b><b><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">):</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">克萨维尔</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">盖苏(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Xavier
Guessou</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),新反资本主义党全国政治委员会委员</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">阿尔梅勒</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">贝尔图斯(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Armelle
Pertus</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),新反资本主义党执行委员会委员</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">盖勒</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">基朗德(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Gaël
Quirante</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),新反资本主义党执行委员会委员</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">朱丽叶</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">斯坦(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Juliette
Stein</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),新反资本主义党全国政治委员会委员</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: 新細明體; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">西班牙革命反资本主义左翼(</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">IZAR</span></b><b><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">):</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">马里亚浩</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">特鲁埃尔(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Mariajo
Teruel</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),马拉加省革命反资本主义左翼政治领导人</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">哈维尔</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">卡斯蒂略(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Javier
Castillo</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),马德里省革命反资本主义左翼政治领导人</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">托马斯</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">马丁内斯(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Tomás
Martínez</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),阿尔梅丽亚省革命反资本主义左翼政治领导人</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">鲁本</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">基朗德(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Rubén
Quirante</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),格兰纳达省革命反资本主义左翼政治领导人</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: 新細明體; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">美国社会主义行动党(</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Socialist
Action</span></b><b><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">):</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">杰夫</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">麦克勒(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Jeff
Mackler</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),社会主义行动党全国书记</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">迈克尔</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">施雷伯(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Michael
Schreiber</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),《社会主义行动报》编辑</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">克里斯汀</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">玛丽(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Christine
Marie</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),社会主义行动党政治委员会委员</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: 新細明體; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">加拿大社会主义行动派</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">/</span></b><b><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">社会主义行动同盟(</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Socialist
Action/Ligue pour l’Action Socialiste</span></b><b><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">):</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">巴里</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">魏斯勒德(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Barry
Weisleder</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),社会主义行动派</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">/</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">社会主义行动同盟联邦书记</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">伊丽莎白</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">拜斯(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Elizabeth
Byce</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),社会主义行动派</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">/</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">社会主义行动同盟联邦司库</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">朱利叶斯</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">阿斯科特(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Julius
Arscott</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),社会主义行动派</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">/</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">社会主义行动同盟中央委员会成员</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: 新細明體; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<b><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">意大利:</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">朱赛佩</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">卡雷塔(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Giuseppe
Caretta</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),格瓦拉集体(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Collettivo Guevara</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)成员</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">安杰罗</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">·</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">卡尔多内(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">Angelo
Cardone</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),格瓦拉集体成员</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: 新細明體; mso-fareast-language: ZH-TW;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<br /></div>
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Skoufoglou</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">),希腊国际主义共产主义组织</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;">—</span><span lang="ZH-CN" style="font-family: "simsun"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">斯巴达克斯中央委员会委员,反资本主义左翼阵线中央协调委员会委员</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "times new roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: SimSun;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-50743558733028483122017-02-06T00:14:00.001+02:002017-02-06T00:14:20.363+02:00Aprovechar las ocasiones, construir una internacional para la revolución y el comunismo<b>I) El estado hoy de la IVª.</b><br />
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<b>A) La política de los «partidos amplios» : un balance catastrófico.</b><br />
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La dirección de la IVª ha sustituido el objetivo estratégico de construcción de partidos revolucionarios por el de « partidos amplios ». Un siglo después de la revolución rusa, a caso es anticuado el principio « no hay revolución sín partido revolucionario » ? Pensamos que no. La dirección de la IVª se ha fijado como objetivo, de forma explícita, desde sus últimos congresos construir partidos « amplios », sin delimitaciones programáticas ni estratégicas claras. ¿Cuáles han sido los resultados de dicha política ?<br />
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En el periodo reciente, los fracasos han sido evidentes. En el Estado Español, Anticapitalistas se prepara para conformar una mayoría conjunta con Pablo Iglesias, adaptándose de ese modo a una dirección burocrática que se marca, de forma explícita, como objetivo gobernar en el marco de las instituciones capitalistas. Con tanto buscar en ganar influencia electoral o mediática, se acaba sacrificando nuestro objetivo de acabar con el sistema capitalista.<br />
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La experiencia de Syriza, también presentado durante un tiempo como un modelo a seguir, hasta el punto que la sección griega que rechazó apoyar dicho partido fue acusada en el CI hasta decer de contra revolucionaria, ha demostrado ser una catástrofe . Lo que se presentaba como un partido y un gobierno « anti austeridad » ha resultado ser una máquina de guerra contra los trabajadores y contra los pueblos. Syriza está llevando a cabo desde hace ya varios años una de las peores ofensivas que se hayan conocido desde hace décadas en contra de la clase obrera y de la juventud.<br />
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Pero estos son sólo los últimos dos ejemplos de una serie de catástrofes, de las cuales no se ha sacado ningún balance. La lista es larga : en Brasil con la participación en el gobierno de Lula, en Italia dónde los compañeros habían apoyado en el parlamento la formación de un gobierno Prodi y habían votado los créditos de guerra, en Portugal con el apoyo reciente al gobierno del partido socialista… Los puntos comunes de esos fracasos son el apoyo a fuerzas políticas o a gobiernos que se situan en el marco de la gestión del capitalismo y la disolución de las secciones de la IVª.<br />
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Es por tanto la política de construcción de « partidos amplios » en lugar de partidos revolucionarios la que ha conducido a la disolución de nuestras fuerzas en coaliciones reformistas. En efecto, ¿para qué construir una corriente revolucionaria si no hay un programa comunista revolucionario que defender aquí y ahora ? La situación es hoy alarmante : hemos asistido a lo largo de los años a la desaparición, a la disolución o a la adaptación de secciones a un ritmo vertiginoso. La cuestión de nuestra capacidad a defender el principio de independencia de clase, la cuestión de la capacidad de nuestra clase social a actuar independientemente de la burguesía y de su Estado, son cuestiones que están en el centro del debate cuando se le da apoyo a un político ligado a un partido burgués como Bernie Sanders, o a una personalidad extraña al movimiento obrero como Pablo Iglesias.<br />
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<b>B) «Nueva situación, nuevo programa... » o actualidad de la revolución y de un programa comunista revolucionario ?</b><br />
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Por qué la dirección de la IVª persiste desde hace años en esa política a pesar de la acumulación de fracasos ? Implícitamente ha renunciado en la actualidad de la revolución : ésta se ha convertido en un horizonte alejado. Para ella, la correlación de fuerzas está tan en nuestra contra que las tareas del momento consisten en reconstruir una conciencia de clase elemental, partiendo de las luchas de los oprimidos como reacción a la ofensiva de la clase contraria. Ya no haría falta ninguna brújula revolucionaria, ninguna necesidad de batallas organizadas por un programa de transición, ni por un programa comunista. Bastaría con reagrupar a todos aquellos y aquellas dispuestas a resistir, reformistas como revolucionarios, para estar en disposición de acumular lentamente experiencia y fuerzas a la espera de días mejores. Y para ello, la herramienta adaptada, es precisamente el « partido amplio ».<br />
Es la justificación para acabar ligándose en todos sitios a fuerzas sociales que no son ni reformistas en el sentido clásico del término. Fuerzas sin ninguna base programática comunista y sin base social en la clase obrera.<br />
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Sin embargo, la actualidad y la necesidad de un programa revolucionario ha vuelto a demostrarse en los procesos revolucionarios en el sur del mediterráneo y mediante la situación política en Grecia : la radicalización del enfrentamiento de clase exige respuestas revolucionarias. ¿A caso no era indispensable defender la abolición de la deuda, la expropiación de los bancos y de los sectores estratégicos de la economía bajo control de los y las trabajadoras ? Esas consignas no están reservadas para los libros de historia que hablan de la revolución rusa. La dirección de la IVª no ha apoyado a su sección griega que trató, partiendo de sus fuerzas, de llevar a cabo una política revolucionaria de esas características. Eso implicaba evidentemente una batalla política contra la dirección de Syriza. Y es precisamente esa batalla la que no se llevó : en el nombre de la necesidad de un « nuevo programa » y de « nuevos partidos » adptados a la « nueva situación », la dirección de la IVª apoyó al contrario hasta el último momento a Tsipras (cita de la declaración de la IVª de agosto de 2015). El ejemplo de Grecia es extremadamente significativo en cuanto a la imposibilidad del reformismo en los periodos de crisis del capitalismo. El gobierno dirigido por Syriza no solamente ha acabado siendo uno de los gobiernos burgueses más duros, sino que la propia Syriza ha cambiado casi por completo en tan solo un año, más o menos, pasando del reformismo de izquierdas a la social democracia burguesa. La formación del gobierno con el partido nacionalista burgués ANEL (cosa que no fue nunca denunciado por aquellos que más tarde fundaron el partido Unidad Popular, partido apoyado en la actualidad por la dirección de la IVª), la integración en el gobierno de numerosos miembros del personal político y administrativo de los dos grandes partidos burgueses, ND y el PASOK, y sobretodo la ruptura con la gran mayoría de su base militante y en la juventud, han modificado de manera irreversible la naturaleza del partido Syriza. Es el destino que comparten todos los partidos reformistas que quieren gestionar la crisis en el marco del capitalismo, sean cuales sean las intenciones de sus direcciones. Es una conclusión a la que la direccón de la IVª nunca ha llegado, hablando más bien de una « capitulación » que no se podía explicar de Tsipras, sin ningún contenido de clase. La consecuencia práctica, es la rapidez para seguir repitiendo los mismos errores. Sigue aliándose y adaptándose a la política de Iglesias hoy mediante la política llevada a cabo por la mayoría de la sección del estado español.<br />
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<b>C) Una carencia militante y un grave problema democrático.</b><br />
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Las reuniones del Comité Internacional de la IVª (CI : órgano de dirección de la IVª) se reducen hoy a debates de análisis sin consecuencia en la práctica. Los debates se suceden sin que estén definidas campañas coordinadas a escala internacional. Sin embargo en diferentes partes del mundo tenemos a compañeros y compañeras que llevan a cabo luchas que se enfrentan concretamente al capitalismo. Los debates de fondo deben alimentarse de acción : los balances de las actividades de las secciones deberían alimentar la discusión, y la confrontación de ideas debería traer consigo la definición de tareas comunes. Sin objetivos comunes a escala internacional y sin ayuda mútua en términos políticos y materiales, es imposible construirse más allá de una cierta escala en cada uno de nuestros países. Pero sobretodo, nuestra internacional debe ser algo más que un club de intercambios teóricos, debe ser una herramienta para la acción revolucionaria. Hacerse juntos las preguntas que tienen que ver con los problemas políticos de la lucha de clases a escla internacional y reflexionar conjuntamente en torno a los problemas con los que nos encontramos en cada uno de nuestros países para intentar resolverlos juntos. A eso debería servir un « partido mundial ». La construcción de un partido internacional de ese tipo, avanzar en esa dirección, es una tarea para hoy.<br />
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La expulsión reciente por parte de la mayoría de la sección del estado español de la minoría de Anticapitalistas que pesaba 20 % en su último congreso y que han construido hoy IZAR señala un grave problema democrático. Es no querer aceptar la crítica de la orientación mayoritaria de la IVª. Más grave aún, rechazar la posibilidad de expresarse en el CI con la excusa de un veto de la sección es contraria a todos nuestros principios de democracia obrera : la posibilidad de defenderse en el momento de una expulsión existe sin embargo en toda una serie de organizaciones reformistas… pero no ha existido en el seno de la IVª en lo que respecta a los y las camaradas de IZAR. Quedó por tanto constancia de que la mayoría de una sección podía expulsar a su antojo a su minoría… sin la más mínima posibilidad de recurrir. Menos mal que la mayoría de los y las compañeras de la sección francesa que son miembros del NPA no tienen esa visión autoritaria de las divergencias políticas y no actuaron así con su minoría. Nuestros camaradas de Socialist Action Canadá fueron y siguen estando a día de hoy víctimas del mismo trato exclusivo. Evidentemente existe una lógica política que explica esas expulsiones : las reglas democráticas de base son obviadas cuando se trata de compañeros que están en desacuerdo, por la izquierda, con la política de la dirección. Ésta favorece entonces el trabajo con grupos exteriores a la IVª, y ejerce una presión sobre la sección para aislarla, como en Grecia por ejemplo. La dirección de la IVª presenta a menudo nuestra organización internacional como la tendencia internacional « más democrática ». Las declaraciones de intenciones se alejan sin embargo de los hechos concretos. En efecto, en casos de escisiones en base a desacuerdos políticos, la corriente internacional SI en el Estado Español y la LIT en Brasil se han mostrado más abiertos, manteniendo en ambos casos relaciones con los diferentes grupos nacidos tras la ruptura.<br />
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No podemos esquivar por más tiempo los balances de la política defendida por la mayoría elegida tras el último congreso mundial de la IVª en 2010. El próximo CI debe acordar el lanzamiento y la fecha del próximo congreso mundial que debería tener lugar en 2018.<br />
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<b>II-Una situación en la que existen ocasiones para que los revolucionarios y las ideas comunistas se refuercen.</b><br />
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No compartimos la apreciación de la situación que hace la dirección de la IVª. Si bien es cierta que está marcada por una ofensiva cada vez más violenta de la burguesía, es sin embargo contradictoria y esconde posibilidades para los comunistas revolucionarios para hacer oir sus ideas y para reforzarlas.<br />
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<b>A) La caída tendencial de la tasa de ganancia : raíz de la crisis.</b><br />
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El problema fundamental de los capitalistas sigue siendo la baja tendencial de la tasa de ganancia. La crisis ecológica se conjuga con la crisis económica y el capitalismo se encuentra de ese modo en una situación de crisis prolongada de la cual no saldrá espontáneamente. Para restaurar la tasa de ganancia, los capitalistas están obligados en alterar su modo de dominación, infligiendo una derrota histórica a la clase obrera. Es el sentido de la ofensiva capitalista actual. Las tensiones inter imperialistas aumentan y las intervenciones militares se multiplican. El número de refugiados explota, el racismo y la xenofobia son abiertamente alentados por los gobiernos de todas las grandes potencias. La barbarie no es una posibilidad para el futuro, es la realidad para mayor parte de la humanidad.<br />
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<b>B) Direcciones tradicionales y « nuevos reformismos»: adapatación a la ofensiva capitalista actual.</b><br />
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Lejos de combatir la ofensiva capitalista, las direcciones tradicionales del movimiento obrero se adaptan a ella. La social democracia está totalmente integrada en el aparato de Estado y las direcciones provenientes del estalinismo acompañan a las políticas de las burguesías nacionales. Ese retroceso masivo de la social democracia y de las formaciones del tipo Labor Party no se limita solo a Europa. Es mundial. En Canadá, por ejemplo, hemos visto a la dirección del New Democratic Party (NDP), ligado a los sindicatos, prometer un « presupuesto equilibrado » sean cuales sean las circunstancias, durante la campaña de las elecciones federales de 2015. Llevar a cabo esa política impediría a un gobierno NDP retirar la mayoría de las duras medidas de austeridad introducidas por el gobierno anterior del Conservative Party liderado por Stephen Harper. La retirada política del NDP y la posición del « voto útil » de una gran parte de la burocracia sindical, canalizó el descontento masivo de la clase obrera contra la austeridad para llegar a una voctoria del Liberal Party de Justin Trudeau, que aparentó pasar por la izquierda al NDP.<br />
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En cuanto a las corrientes llamadas « populistas » de América del sur, han demostrado su incapacidad para cambiar el fondo de la situación. Rechazan cualquier ruptura franca con el imperialismo y el capital. Los supuestos « nuevos reformismos » son un síntoma de politización, un reflejo del aumento de las luchas. Pero la política de Syriza en el poder muestra hasta qué punto esas fuerzas se han adaptado al capitalismo en crisis en un tiempo récor y hasta qué punto están dispuestas ellas mismas a llevar a cabo los planes de la burguesía, sin tener sin embargo el anlcaje obrero de masas que pudieron llegar a tener los « antiguos » reformistas.<br />
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Las corrientes anarquistas o autónomas consiguen captar a una parte de la revuelta de la juventud. Debemos llevar a cabo una política en dirección a esas corrientes, hasta llegar a tener a veces posibilidades de acuerdos tácticos con algunos de esos sectores. Pero no debemos dejarles el terreno de la radicalidad, a la vez que expliquemos en qué su política conduce a un callejón sin salida.<br />
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<b>C) Inestabilidad crónica del sistema, resistencias de masas y politización.</b><br />
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La correlación de fuerzas sigue siéndonos muy desfavorable. Pero resistencias de masas agitan todos los continentes. La crisis del sistema alimenta una inestabilidad política crónica. La violencia de la ofensiva capitalista alimenta evidentemente fenómenos de regresión social y política. La izquierda tradicional, cuando llega al gobierno, lleva la ofensiva capitalista y abre de ese modo un espacio para la extrema derecha. Pero ese no es el sentimiento mayoritario de la clase obrera. En la base electoral de esas corrientes de extrema derecha, nos encontramos sin embrago con un número significativo de trabajadores que han sido las primeras víctimas del capitalismo. Una respuesta seria de la clase obrera que alcanzase victorias significativas podría volver a conectar con muchos de ellos que han sido momentaneamente seducidos por la demagogia de la extrema derecha.<br />
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El efecto de la ofensiva en el marco de la crisis no es unilateral. Suscita también resistencias masivas y una nueva politización. Uno de los ejemplos muy claros de esa dinámica de polarización es la elección de Trump : si es verdad que simboliza la política cada vez más reaccionaria de las clases dirigentes, ha sido elegido en una situación en la que las movilizaciones están en aumento y en la que el interés por las ideas socialistas están en el nivel más alto desde hace décadas en la primera potencia del mundo. De la misma manera, a escala internacional, las posibilidades de explosión social y de luchas colectivas aumentan.<br />
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Hay en franjas significativas de la clase obrera y de la juventud una percpeción de que este sistema está podrido y de que nos conduce a la bancarrota. La mayoría del tiempo, las masas en lucha saben lo que ya no quieren y experimentan un profundo desprecio por el sistema capitalista, sin tener idea de qué poner en su lugar ni cómo. Pero no sólo asistimos a luchas mecánicas en respuesta a los ataques sino también a procesos de acumulación de experiencias, de politización, de reagrupamientos y de organización. Las movilizaciones nacionales masivas contra el ataque al estatuto de los trabajadores en Francia, la lucha de los trabajadores con salarios precarios por el derecho a formar sindicatos y un salario mínimo de 15$ y el aumento de los Black Lives Matter en los EEUU, las movilizaciones estudiantiles sin precedente en Quebec, las huelgas masivas de los trabajadores y trabajadoras en Asia, particularmente en China y en India...pero también el interés renovado por el socialismo como lo demuestra la doble victoria de Jeremy Corbyn para la dirección del Labour Party británico, así como el regreso del interés por la ideas socialistas en los EEUU indican que existen elementos de una toma de consciencia anticapitalista. Es un proceso muy desigual y limitado. Son en primer lugar corrientes hostiles al socialismo las que se ven beneficiadas por el desencanto. La audiencia electoral del FIT en Argentina, o las recomposiciones en el movimiento sindical en África del sur, a pesar de los límites de esas dos experiencias, pero sobretodo una vuelta por el interés por el « socialismo » en los EUUU indican sin embargo que las ideas anticapitalistas pueden alcanzar una audiencia de masas.<br />
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<b>III- La clase obrera sigue jugando un papel central.</b><br />
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Una visión ampliamente compartida en el mundillo militante contribuye a alimentar el escepticismo sobre la actualidad de la revolución : la ofensiva neoliberal habría precarizado y debilitado hasta tal punto a la clase obrera que ésta habría dejado de desempeñar en papel central.<br />
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En realidad, la clase obrera es a día de hoy globalmente más numerosa que nunca : sólo en Corea del Sur hoy hay más trabajadores asalariados que el mundo entero en la época de Marx. La clase obrera que está compuesta, desde nuestro punto de vista, por trabajadores asalariados que no ejercen un poder jerarquico, constituye hoy entre el 80 y el 90 % de la población en los paises más industrializados y casi la mitad de la población mundial.<br />
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Globalmente, el número de trabajadores industrializados ha pasado de 490 millones en el mundo en 1991 a 715 millones en 2012 (cifras OIT). El ritmo de crecimiento de la industria ha sido incluso superior al de los servicios entre 2004 y 2012. No es el sector industrial el que ha disminuido sino el sector agrícola, pasando de 44 a 32 % de la fuerza de trabajo global.<br />
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Es cierto que la clase obrera industrial ha disminuido numéricamente en las antiguas potencias capitalistas. Pero su papel en la lucha de clases está muy lejos de ser secundario, como lo han demostrado los ferroviarios y las refinerías en Francia durante las huelgas de masas de 2010 y 2016. Y la proletarización de los servicios ha creado nuevos sectores asalariados en las antiguas metrópolas capitalistas que han demostrado recientemente su combatividad como por ejemplo en la limpieza (huelgas históricas en los Paises Bajos en 2010 y 2012), o en la gran distribución y en los fast foof con el movimiento Fight for 15 en los EEUU.<br />
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No es verdad que el desarrollo de la precariedad ha hecho de la clase obrera una clase incapaz de llevar a cabo luchas significativas y de jugar un papel revolucionario. En el pasado, una condición proletaria mucho más precaria que hoy y la ausencia de grandes industrias no impidieron a los obreros parisinos de tomar el poder durante la Comuna…y hoy, los trabajadores encuentran el camino de la movilización a pesar de los obstáculos creados por medio de la ofensiva capitalista : la huelga más grande en Francia desde hace varias décadas, en términos numéricos y de duración, ha sido la huelga de los trabajadores sin papeles de 2009-2010, que implicó a 6000 huelguistas, de los cuales 1500 de ETT organizados en comités de huelga, a lo largo de 10 meses. La huelga general en Guadalupe en 2009 ha mostrado la capacidad de los trabajadores para federar a los oprimidos y para amenazar al poder.<br />
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Operando una reorganización de la industria, la mundialización capitalista ha creado nuevas clases obreras en los paises del sur, cuyas movilizaciones recientes han mostrado el potencial : la oleada de huelgas que conoce China desde 2010, las huelgas masivas de Bursa en Turquía en 2015, la formación de sindicatos de masas combativos en Indonesia, el papel del movimiento sindical y de las huelgas de masas en la dimisión de la primera ministra de Corea de Sur a finales de 2016...<br />
Esas luchas se desarrollan por lo general en contra de las direcciones sindicales. Para que esas luchas se encaucen hacia una puesta en tela de juicio del sistema, es necesario reconstruir una dirección obrera lucha de clases a escala internacional. Construir esa ala lucha de clases del movimiento obrero, independiente de las direcciones sindicales, capaz en particular de suscitar la construcción de órganos de auto organización, de comités de huelga, es una tarea central para una internacional revolucionaria. Diferenciaciones o rupturas en el seno del movimiento obrero indican que nuevas posibilidades se abren : proceso de creación de una nueva confederación sindical en ruptura con el ANC en África del Sur, diferenciaciones en el seno de la CGT en Francia y debates en vista a la formación de un « polo obrero » lucha de clases debido al movimiento contra la ley trabajo…<br />
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Si se tienen en cuenta todas esas evoluciones, la clase obrera mundial nunca tuvo un papel potencialmente tan potente. Todos los sectores de la clase obrera no tienen el mismo peso objetivo en el aparato de producción y no están todos en capacidad de desempeñar el mismo papel, y debemos de tenerlo claro en nuestros esfuerzos de construcción. Pero los revolucionarios deben tomarse en serio el papel central de la clase obrera y desarrollar una intervención política sistemática en esa dirección. Esa tarea debería llevarse a cabo no solamente por parte de las secciones nacionales sino también formar parte de los debates regulares a nivel internacional.<br />
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<b>IV- Lo que proponemos.</b><br />
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<b>A) Construir partidos revolucionarios de vanguardia: la actualidad del leninismo :</b><br />
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He aqui cómo Lenin en « La enfermedad infantil del comunismo : el izquierdismo » definía la disciplina de partido, cómo se forja un partido de cuadros para la revolución, lo opuesto a la visión de caricatura de los estalinistas.<br />
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« En primer lugar se plantea la cuestión : ¿Qué cimenta la disciplina del partido revolucionario del proletariado ? ¿Qué la controla, qué la sustenta ? Es, en primer lugar, la conciencia de la vanguardia proletaria y su dedicación a la revolución, su firmeza, su espíritu de sacrificio, su heroismo. Es además, su capacidad para unirse, acercarse, y si queréis, fundirse hasta un cietro punto con la masa más amplia de trabajadores, principalmente con la masa proletaria, pero también la masa de trabajadores no proletaria. En tercer lugar, es la precisión de la dirección política ejercida por esta vanguardia, la precisión de su estrategia y de su táctica políticas, a condición de que las amplias masas se convenzan de esta precisión por su propia experiencia. A falta de estas condiciones, en un partido revolucionario realmente capaz de ser el partido de la vanguardia de clase llamada a derrocar a la burguesía y a transformar la sociedad, la disciplina es irrealizable. Cualquier intento de crear esta disciplina se reduce inevitablemente a frases huecas. Pero por otra parte estas condiciones no pueden surgir enseguida. No se elaboran más que con un largo trabajo, con una dura experiencia; su elaboración es facilitada por una teoría revolucionaria correcta que no es un dogma, y que solo se forma definitivamente en estrecha relación con la prñactica de un movimiento verdaderamente masivo y revolucionario ».<br />
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« No hay revolución sin partido revolucionario » : Esto significa que más allá de la diversidad de las tácticas que pueden adoptar los revolucionarios en la construcción de su partido en función de los países y las situaciones, construir partidos revolucionarios, partidos para la toma del poder y el comunismo sigue siendo el obejtivo estratégico.<br />
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Para construir organizaciones revolucionarias que no se contentan con proclamar los principios, nos damos como objetivo construir un partido de cuadros capaz de dar vida a estos principios programáticos, lo que significa tratar de dar los medios a todos y todas nuestras militantes para adquirir el nivel de formación más alto posible para jugar un papel en la destrucción del capitalismo y la construcción de otra sociedad. Pero esta formación debe ser coherente con nuestra práctica militante. Con del fin de acabar con este sistema que genera explotación y opresiones, hay que reducir al máximo la separación entre la esfera privada y la esfera pública. Esta separación es el producto del sistema capitalista en el que vivimos. Contra esta lógica de la « separación », nos damos conscientemente la perspectiva de la revolución, y la ponemos en línea con nuestras opciones y modos de vida. Esto es lo contrario a la frustración de cada individuo, sino que es la emancipación y la asociación libremente consentida y a contracorriente de la ideologia dominante vehiculada por el Estado, la escuela y la familia, de reagruparse para alcanzar un objetivo común : la destrucción del sistema capitalista, hecho de explotación y de opresiones, para construir otra sociedad, la sociedad comunista.<br />
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La búsqueda de una implantación en la clase trabajadora y en los sectores oprimidos es decisiva y debe hacerse el objeto de discusión sistemática y de herramientas propias. La construcción de la huelga general insurreccional como « hipótesis estratégica » principal en la mayoría de regiones del mundo, y nuestro análisis del papel central de la clase obrera deben tener enseguida consecuencias prácticas, en nuestras secciones y a escala internacional. ¿Qué queremos decir ? Significa que tenemos una política voluntarista de implanta´n en los sectores clave de la economía capitalista. Un esfuerzo en cada sección deeb hacerse en este sentido, pero también que la Internacional ayude para lograr este objetivo. A través de una aportación teórica, pero también de centralización de información. Esto también significa que desarrollamos de forma sistemática una intervención política independiente hacia nuestra clase.<br />
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Los y las revolucionarios tenemos que reflexionar cómo se puede luchar tanto contra las políticas de austeridad como contra el sistema capitalista. Para nosotros la mejor forma de defender nuestras conquistas sociales y de arrancar nuevas sigue siendo mediante la movilización de la clase trabajadora y de la juventud. Todas las conquistas sociales que se han conseguido para nuestro bando social han sido fruto de la movilización. La historia del siglo XX es una demostración clara. Nuestros derechos como trabajadores no se han conseguido a golpe de papeletas en las urnas sino a golpe de movilizaciones y de huelgas al igual que nuestras conquistas como mujeres. Nuestra tarea central es en ese sentido la reconstrucción de la conciencia de clase de nuestro bando. Para eso no hay atajos. La forma más efectiva para reconstruir esa conciencia de clase sigue siendo mediante el enfrentamiento de nuestra clase con los intereses de la burguesía al calor de la movilización. La lucha, las manifestaciones, las ocupaciones, las asambleas, las huelgas siguen siendo las herramientas que mejor hacen evolucionar la conciencia de los y las explotadas. Ponerse en movimiento para defender nuestros intereses de clase sigue siendo el medio más seguro para reconstruir esa conciencia. Eso no significa en ningún caso que despreciemos la cuestión electoral, pero sí que la supeditamos a esos elementos. Las elecciones no son un fin sino un medio que debe servir para reforzar la movilización de nuestra clase con el objetivo de reconstruir esa conciencia de clase. Los y las trabajadoras así como la juventud deben asumir también la lucha contra cualquier tipo de opresión y ligarla a su lucha por su emancipación como clase. Para ello es necesario que las organizaciones de masas obreras incluyan en sus reivindicaciones elementos como la cuestión de igual trabajo igual salario entre hombres y mujeres, el respeto por la orientación sexual de los y las trabajadoras o la cuestión de los cuidados.<br />
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La hipótesis estratégica que manejamos para la ruptura con el capitalismo sigue siendo para nosotros mediante procesos de movilización sostenidos en el tiempo que hagan que partiendo de las luchas y los enfrentamientos de hoy, la clase trabajadora se plantee cada vez más la necesidad de tomar el poder para un cambio real para nuestra clase. Las huelgas no son un fetichismo, pero son esenciales, para la elevación de la conciencia de clase y la confianza en sus propias fuerzas. Para nosotros/as las huelgas son “escuelas de lucha” porque son momentos en los que la clase trabajadora se autoorganiza y mediante el conflicto crea automatismos para enfrentarse a las políticas de la burguesía. Las luchas de hoy permiten en ese sentido reconstruir la conciencia de clase. Son espacios que los/as revolucionarios/as no debemos despreciar, por muy pequeños que estos sean. Al contrario, estos deben ser ocupados para jugar un papel en dichas huelgas. Por eso, debemos aportar soluciones a nuestra deficiencia en cuanto a implantación en la clase trabajadora y en cuanto al apoyo a sus luchas.<br />
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Una Internacional revolucionaria que no tiene como prioridad la juventud, es una Internacional destinada a desaparecer. La juventd juega siempre un papel de vanguardia táctica. Esta teoría desarrollada por Ernest Mandel está siempre de actualidad. Ya se tomen los procesos de las llamadas revoluciones árabes pasando por las movilizaciones en América Latina, México o Chile, pero también en Francia en el momento de la CPE, y probablemente pronto en EEUU con las movilizaciones anti-Trump. Su papel en las luchas siempre es primordial, y el reclutamiento en la juventud es simplemente vital para toda organización revolucionaria. Ser coherente con esta afirmación es no abandonar muchos conocimientos teóricos y de intervención de nuestra corriente. Defendemos la autonomía de la juventud, una autonomía subordinada al proletariado y a sus intereses históricos, pero con formas de organización no indepedientes sino autónomas de las organizaciones del movimiento obrero y de los partidos que construimos. Fijamos entonces, cuando sea posible, el objetivo de la construcción de organizaciones revolucionarias juveniles. Los sectores jóvenes en nuestros partidos son una mediación para lograrlo. Además debemos tener una orientación específica hacia la juventud escolarizada. Se trata de un sector de la juventud que participa activamente en las agitaciones en los procesos revolucionarios. El campamento internacional de jóvenes juega por tanto un papel fundamental en el marco de esta política. Pero no puede convertirse en un espacio escluyemte para las voces discordantes para la dirección de la IVª. La prohibición de hacer participar al sector joven del NPA en la dirección del último campamento joven muestra una debilidad teórica y militante alarmante. Del mismo modo que el rechazo a que cuatro camaradas de IZAR puedan simplemente entrar para impartir un taller en el campamento, obligando a estos últimos, algunos de los que han construido la IVª durante 15 años, a tener que llevarlo a cabo en el parking con más de 70 jóvenes que querían debatir e intercambiar opiniones. Estos episodios son sintomáticos de un sectarismo temeroso de que los jóvenes se acostumbren a estas prácticas, bajo el pretexto de pureza ideológica y de lucha contra el « fraccionalismo ».<br />
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No hay muralla china entre lo que defendemos como proyecto de sociedad, el comunismo, y el partido que tratamos de construir. Debe haber una coherencia entre los dos términos. Nuestro partido no será un islote de comunismo pues vive y se desarrolla en el marco de relaciones sociales determinadas por el sistema capitalista y el patriarcado. Pero necesitamos acercarnos al máximo. Eso implica por supuesto que las relaciones militantes deben respetar los principios democráticos y no contradecir nuestro programa de lucha contra todas las opresiones. Pero más allá de eso, es la asociación libremente consentida de hombres y mujeres que luchan por el comunismo y se rigen por relaciones que no pueden ser contradictorias con estos principios de emancipación. Quienes combaten toda forma de « separación » producida por el capital entre trabajo intelectual y trabajo manual, entre los hombres y las mujeres, entre los nacionales y los extranjeros, entre la esfera privada y pública...quien rechaza cualquier tipo de tabú dentro de la organización, sino que construye al contrario gracias al debate y a la verificación por la práctica una unidad programática y de intervención del conjunto de sus miembros.<br />
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<b>B) Defender un programa de transición para el siglo XXI :</b><br />
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La IVª Internacional debería defender un conjunto de medidas-clave, un enfoque de transición que parta de reivindicaciones cotidianas, ligarlas a la cuestion de poder y a la aspiración de otra sociedad. En definitiva, vincular las luchas actuales al replanteamiento de los pilares del sistema capitalista.<br />
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Uno de los primeros ejes de este programa : la expropiación de los sectores-clave de la economía : la crisis bancaria y los rescates han abierto una nueva posibilidad de explicar de manera popular la necesidad de requisar a los bancos. Las quiebras de empresas, los despidos masivos y las luchas que generan nos dan igualmente la posibilidad de poner al día la lucha por el control obrero y para explicarla necesidad de la requisición de los grandes medios de producción, de comunicación e intercambio. Un enfoque de transición es por ejemplo ligar la prohibición de los despidos con el control por los trabajadores de su contratación.<br />
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Los recursos fósiles y minerales no son infinitos. El pico máximo de extracción se alcanzará pronto en los años que vienen. El capitalismo con su lógica estructural apunta a consumir cada vez más : siempre más de materias primas y energía. El objetivo del capitalismo es el de producir siempre más y hacer siempre más beneficio. El capitalismo no puede ser « verde » pues destruye nuestro medio ambiente y sus especies, destruye nuestro planeta. Pero aún más, no puede haber ecología coherente sin una lucha contra el capitalismo y sin la comprensión de que el único sujeto que puede ponerle fin y al desastre que engedra es la clase trabajadora. Si compartimos este análisis debemos sacar las tareas de implantación, de intervención y orientación. En efecto es la clase trabajadora aliada con otros sectores la que es capaz de imponer frente a la catástrofe ecológica un programa de transición ecológica anticapitalista, centrado en el cuestionamiento de las energías fósiles y nucleares y sobre la necesidad de la planificación de la economía a escala internacional.<br />
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El mundo capitalista sigue estructurado, organizado por el imperialismo cuyos intereses nunca están ligados por ningún compromiso con ningún pueblo, aunque en ocasiones puedan tomar la decisión de apoyar a una u otra lucha con sus propios métodos y objetivos.<br />
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El antiimperialismo debe constituir un eje central de nuestra propaganda y nuestra actividad : nos posicionamos contra todas las intervenciones imperialistas y por la retirada de todas las tropas imperialistas. Pero esto significa por ejemplo que ser solidarios con el pueblo kurdo no es eludir la responsabilidad central del imperialismo en el desarrolllo de corrientes reaccionarias como el ISIS y la situacónq ue viven los pueblos de la región. Sin negar sin embargo que estas corrientes tienen su propia lógica y autonomía. Debíamos y debemos participar en las manifestaciones en defensa del pueblo kurdo, ligando siempre esta defensa incondicional con nuestro rechazo sin ambigüedades a la intervención imperialista. Es por eso que no firmamos manifiestos que piden a nuestro gobierno ofrecer armas a los kurdos. No nos entregamos a la ilusión de que nuestra burguesía pudiera defender a los pueblos de la región.<br />
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Frente a nuestro propio imperialismo, nosotros no tratamos de crear ilusiones sobre el tema : armas y no bombas. Y eso es exactamente lo que les ha ocurrido a los diputados de la Alianza roja y verde, entre los que hay miembros de la IVª Internacional, que han votado en el parlamento los créditos de guerra bajo el pretexto de que esto permitía enviar armas, pero se han encontrado muy pronto opuestos a la segunda etapa, la única realmente importamte para el gobierno danés como para los otros : el envío de F-16 daneses que hoy bombardean Irak al lado de Estados Unidos y Francia.<br />
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Las clases obreras que se sublevaran deberán enfrentarse a la vez a « su propio » aparato de estado nacional así como a las instituciones internacionales imperialistas como por ejemplo la UE. « El principal enemigo está en casa » significa igualmente que debemos luchar simultaneamente contra las coaliciones imperialistas internacionales en las que nuestras propias burguesías participan. Aún estando firmemente opuestos a toda alternativa capitalista nacionalista, sabemos que una política anticapitalista es incompatible con la UE<br />
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Sabemos que la lucha contra el imperialismo, el racismo, la austeridad y la dominación capitalista no es un combate que puede llevarse a cabo solamente al nivel de un único país. No puede tampoco llevarse a cabo sin romper con la política al servicio de los capitalistas, de Bruselas y del BCE, con la Europa de las finanzas. Enfrentarse al poder de nuestras burguesías nacionales es romper con las instituciones de la UE. Contra la Europa de la Troika defendemos la solidaridad internacional por una europa socialista de los y las trabjadoras de los pueblos.<br />
La imposición de la austeridad a escala mundial es inseparable del aumento de las guerras y de las intervenciones imperialistas. Llevadas a cabo por los EEUU, el único super poder en el mundo, y sus históricos congéneres europeos imperialistas, somos los testigos casi cotidianos de guerras de bombardeos masivos, de asesinatos masivos, de ejércitos privatizados o mercenarios, a golpe de drones, de embargos o de sancciones, y de guerras casi secretas, como es el caso con el mando Africano de los EEUU que vuelve a colonizar y saquea a África. El imperialismo francés, al igual que otras potencias coloniales europeas, intervienen cada vez más en África y en otros lugares para mantener y aumentar sus intereses.<br />
No hay « guerras humanitarias » conducidas por la bestia imperialista. Nunca las ha habido. El término en sí es excluyente para los revolucionarios, cuyo sentido común es oponerse a todas las guerras e intervenciones imperialistas. El apoyo incondicional del derecho de los pueblos y de las naciones oprimidas a la autodeterminación es un principio socialista revolucionario fundamental. La IVª debe rechazar incondicionalmente todos los llamamientos hechos al imperialismo para que ayude a la derrota de los tiranos y dictadores locales. Esa « ayuda » tiene inevitablemente consecuencias – consecuencias mortales que se asemejan más a una soga al cuello que a cualquier apoyo « benigno » o « democrático ».<br />
La liberación de los y las oprimidas solo puede ser llevada a cabo por sus propias organizaciones de masas independientes, y por la construcción, en el momento propicio y sea cual sea la dificultad de las circunstancias, de partidos socialistas revolucionarios de corte leninista. El rechazo de la intervención imperialista bajo todas sus facetas es el requisito previo de las luchas de liberación nacional victoriosas, y para toda otra victoria. Liberados del yugo imperialista, las naciones oprimidas son las que están en mejores condiciones para determinar ellas mismas su propio futuro y poner en tela de juicio a sus propias burguesías.<br />
Frente a las incesantes guerras de conquistas imperialistas, las reivindicaciones centrales de la IVª deberían centrarse alrededor de « retirada inmediata de las tropas » y del « derecho a la autodeterminación de todas las naciones oprimidas ».<br />
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Defendemos los derechos de los pueblos a su autodeterminación. Pero no nos colacamos bajo la dirección de cualquier burguesía nacional, aunque ésta proceda de una nación oprimida. Mantenemos en dichas naciones oprimidas un equilibrio entre la lucha democrática por la autodeterminación de los pueblos y la lucha por una sociedad sin clases. Eso significa que la lucha por la emancipación nacional sólo puede beneficar a la emancipación de la clase trabajadora si la primera es dirigida por nuestra clase. Hay que mantener, en este caso, una independencia de clase con respecto a la burguesía de la nación oprimida. La lucha por la autodeterminación y por la independencia de la naciones oprimidas por ejemplo en el Estado Español solo será útil para un programa revolucionario si va ligado a la ruptura del sistema capitalista y refuerza ese objetivo y está llevada a cabo por nuestra clase.<br />
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Este programa no es una plataforma electoral ni un programa de gobierno. Explicamos que no puede ser impuesto más que por una movilización del conjunto de la clase trabajadora y de los oprimidos, que lleve al poder a un gobierno de los trabajadores que destruya el estado burgués apoyándose en los órganos de autoorgazación nacidos de la movilización de nuestra clase aliada a los oprimidos.<br />
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<b>C) Construir una Internacional revolucionaria :</b><br />
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Insistimos en que debemos de fijarnos el objetivo de construir una Internacional militante, una organización capaz de llevar a cabo campañas coordinadas a nivel internacional. Aunque con fuerzas modestas, una organización implantada en muchos países que de manera coordinada pueda multiplicar la eficacia de su intervención.<br />
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Nuestra Internacional debe ponerse al día en la discusión de un programa comunista revolucionario que se enfrente a las realidades del capitalismo del sglo XXI, en lugar de discusones teóricas sin relación entre ellas y divorciadas de la práctica.<br />
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No podemos encarnar solos la Internacional comunista revolucionaria. Debemos tratar de reagrupar a los comunistas revolucionarios de diferentes tradiciones, a partir de un acuerdo sobre la situación y las tareas. Es mediante la práctica común que las discusiones politicas pueden conducir a los reagrupamientos. Reagrupar a los revolucionarios a escala internacional debería ser parte de los objetivos en discusión en la IVª Internacional. La construcción de una Internacional revolucionaria capaz de ejercer una influencia significativa no pasará únicamente por un reforzamiento de nuestra organización : la IVª Internacioal podría proponer a otros grupos revolucionarios nacionales o internacionales de entablar discusiones acerca de las respuestas a aportar a la crisis del capitalismo, sobre campañas comunes a llevar a cabo y sobre qué tipo de organización construir.<br />
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Sabemos que esta política de búsqueda de discusiones con otras tradiciones no dará lugar a corto plazo a acercamientos rápidos teniendo en cuenta la creencia de las direcciones trotskistas de las diferentes internacionales de la precisión de sus posiciones programáticas y tácticas. Además, la creencia de que hay que construir alrededor de su propio grupo es la regla en el conjunto de las internacionales. Sin embargo, debemos ser coscientes de que no construiremos una Internacional para la revolución y el comunismo a través de la lenta acumulación de fuerzas alrededor de nosotros. Siempre hay cosas que aprender de las diferentes tradiciones revolucionarias trotskistas e incluso más allá. Hay experiencias y militantes de mucho valor de numerosas corrientes y organizaciones. Es a través del debate teórico y programático en tensión con la intervención sobre el terreno de la lucha de clases como se producirán las explosiones, reagrupamientos y recomposición a nivel nacional e internacional.<br />
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<b>Conclusión provisional</b><br />
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Esta contribución se basa en un primer reagrupamiento para lanzar los debates del próximo congreso. Defendemos la actualidad de una Internacional que sepa aprovechar las ocasiones de la situación y que construya una Internacional para la revolución y el comunismo. A partir de los ejes políticos de esta contribución queremos lanzar un amplio debate dirigido a las corrientes revolucionarias dentro y fuera de la IVª. Tenemos la intención de defender estas ideas en el marco de la IVª y con la perspectiva del próximo congreso de la IVª que no puede aplazarse más, ¡debe tener lugar en 2018 ! Por eso vamos a entablar un debate con todas y todos los camaradas, todas las secciones que lo quieran en la IVª. Deseamos que este debate respete las divergencias y sirva para reforzar nuestra Internacional en un contexto de crisis del capitalismo. Organizaremos para esto una conferencia internacional que sea una etapa más en la discusión y el reagrupamiento para llevar a cabo este debate frente a la actual mayoría de la IVª. Pero en términos más generales, para forjar una corriente lo más amplia posible que defienda la perspectiva y la actualidad de la construcción de una Internacional para la revolución y el comunismo.<br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">Los miembros de la IVª en Francia son miembros de muchas organizaciones políticas : el NPA, la Gauche Anticapitalista y la Gauche Unitaire. Cuando la escisión entre el NPA y la GA, nadie consideró expulsar de la IVª a la minoria del partido fundador de la GA.</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">En Lucha, sección español de la IST (reagrupamiento internacional vinculado al SWP británico), conoció una escisión e 2016. El grupo expulsado de Sevilla está reconocido como miembro observador de su Internacional.</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: x-small;">El PSTU, sección brasileña de la Liga Internacional de los Trabajadores (de la corriente llamada « morenista »), conoció una escisión en 2016 : el 40% de sus miembros fundaron el Frente de Izquierda Socialista. El PSTU y el FGS son los dos reconocidos por la LIT.</span><br />
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Xavier Guessou, Comité Politique National NPA</div>
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Armelle Pertus, Comité Exécutif NPA</div>
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Gaël Quirante, Comité Exécutif NPA</div>
<div style="text-align: right;">
Juliette Stein, Comité Politique National NPA</div>
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Mariajo Teruel, dirección política estatal (IZAR-Malaga)</div>
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Javier Castillo, dirección política estatal (IZAR-Madrid)</div>
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Tomás Martínez, dirección política estatal (IZAR-Almería)</div>
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Rubén Quirante, dirección política estatal (IZAR-Granada)</div>
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Jeff Mackler, National secretary Socialist Action</div>
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Michael Schreiber, editor, Socialist Action news paper </div>
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Christine Marie, political committee, Socialist Action</div>
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Barry Weisleder, federal secretary, Socialist Action/Ligue pour l’Action Socialiste</div>
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Elizabeth Byce, federal treasurer, SA/LAS</div>
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Julius Arscott, central committee member, SA/LAS</div>
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Giuseppe Caretta, Collettivo Guevara</div>
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Angelo Cardone, Collettivo Guevara</div>
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Kleanthis Antoniou, Political Bureau OKDE-Spartakos</div>
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Taxiarhis Efstathiou, Central Committee OKDE-Spartakos, National Coordination Body ANTARSYA, General Council of ADEDY (public sector workers' national confederation)</div>
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Fani Oikonomidou, Political Bureau OKDE-Spartakos</div>
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Manos Skoufoglou, Central Committee OKDE-Spartakos, Central Coordination Committee ANTARSYA</div>
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Kostas Skordoulis, Control Commission OKDE-Spartakos</div>
<br />Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-79259314432529388292017-02-05T23:44:00.001+02:002017-02-05T23:45:45.537+02:00Saisir les occasions, construire une internationale pour la révolution et le communisme<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 90.0pt; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">
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<b><span lang="FR">A- La politique des «partis larges» : un bilan catastrophique</span></b><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">La direction de la QI a remplacé l’objectif stratégique de construction de partis révolutionnaires par celui de « partis larges ». Un siècle après la révolution russe, le principe « pas de révolution sans parti révolutionnaire » est-il dépassé ? Nous ne le pensons pas. La direction de la QI s’est explicitement donné comme objectif depuis ses derniers congrès de construire des partis « larges », sans délimitations programmatiques et stratégiques claires. Quels ont été les résultats de cette politique ?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Dans la période récente, les échecs ont été cinglants. Dans l'État espagnol, Anticapitalistas se prépare à former une majorité commune avec Pablo Iglesias, s’adaptant ainsi à une direction bureaucratique qui se donne explicitement comme but de gouverner dans le cadre des institutions capitalistes. À force de chercher à gagner de l’influence électorale ou médiatique, on en vient ainsi à sacrifier notre objectif de renversement du système capitaliste.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">L’expérience de Syriza, lui aussi un temps présenté comme modèle à tel point que la section grecque qui a refusé de le soutenir a même été accusée au CI d'être contre-révolutionnaire, a constitué une catastrophe : ce qui était présenté comme un parti et un gouvernement « anti-austérité » s’est révélé une machine de guerre contre les travailleurs et contre les peuples. Syriza est en train de conduire depuis plusieurs années une des pires offensives qu’on ait connu depuis des décennies contre la classe ouvrière et la jeunesse.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Mais ce ne sont que les deux derniers exemples d’une série de catastrophes, dont aucun bilan n’a été tiré. La liste est longue : au Brésil avec la participation au gouvernement Lula, en Italie où les camarades avaient soutenu au parlement la formation du gouvernement Prodi et avaient voté les crédits de guerre, au Portugal avec le soutien récent au gouvernement PS... Les points communs à ces échecs sont l’appui à des forces politiques ou des gouvernements qui se placent dans le cadre de la gestion du capitalisme et la dislocation des sections de la QI.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">C’est bien la politique de construction de « partis larges » au lieu de partis révolutionnaires qui a conduit à la dissolution de nos forces dans des coalitions réformistes. En effet, pourquoi construire un courant révolutionnaire s’il n’y a pas de programme communiste révolutionnaire à défendre ici et maintenant ? La situation est aujourd’hui alarmante : nous avons assisté au fil des années à la disparitions, à la dissolution ou à l’adaptation de sections à un rythme accéléré. La question de notre capacité à défendre le principe d’indépendance de classe, la capacité de notre classe sociale à agir indépendamment de la bourgeoisie et de son État est posée quand un appui est donné à un politicien lié à un parti bourgeois comme Bernie Sanders, ou à une personnalité étrangère au mouvement ouvrier comme Pablo Iglesias.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="FR">B- « Nouvelle situation, nouveau programme… » ou actualité de la révolution et d’un programme communiste révolutionnaire ?</span></b><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Pourquoi la direction de la QI persévère-t-elle depuis des années dans cette politique malgré la succession d’échecs ? Elle a implicitement renoncé à l’actualité de la révolution : celle-ci est devenue un horizon éloigné. Pour elle, le rapport de forces est tellement dégradé que les tâches de l’heure consistent à reconstruire une conscience de classe élémentaire, à partir des luttes des opprimés en réaction à l’offensive de la classe adverse. Nul besoin de boussole révolutionnaire, nul besoin de bataille organisée pour un programme de transition, et pour un programme communiste. Il suffit de regrouper toutes celles et tous ceux prêts à résister, réformistes comme révolutionnaires, pour être en mesure d’accumuler lentement de l’expérience et des forces en attendant des jours meilleurs. Et pour ce faire, l’outil adapté, c’est justement le « parti large ».<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">C’est la justification pour s’allier partout à des forces sociales qui ne sont mêmes pas réformistes dans le sens classique du terme. Des forces sans aucune base programmatique communiste et sans base sociale dans la classe ouvrière.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Pourtant, l’actualité et la nécessité d’un programme révolutionnaire a été démontrée par les processus révolutionnaires au Sud de la Méditerranée et par la situation grecque : la radicalisation de l’affrontement de classe demande des réponses révolutionnaires. N’était-il pas indispensable de défendre l’abolition de la dette, la réquisition des banques et des secteurs clés de l’économie sous contrôle des travailleurs ? Ces mots d’ordre ne sont pas réservés aux livres d’histoire sur la révolution russe. La direction de la QI n’a pas soutenu sa section grecque qui a tenté avec ses forces de mener une telle politique révolutionnaire. Cela impliquait évidemment une bataille politique contre la direction de Syriza. C’est précisément cette bataille qui n’a pas été menée : au nom de la nécessité d’un « nouveau programme » et de « nouveaux partis » adaptés à la « nouvelle situation », la direction de la QI a au contraire appuyé jusqu’à la 25ème heure Tsipras. (citation de la déclaration de la QI, août 2015) L'exemple de la Grèce est extrêmement parlant sur l'impossibilité du réformisme dans les périodes de crise du capitalisme. Le gouvernement dirigé par Syriza s'est non seulement avéré être l'un des gouvernements bourgeois les plus durs, mais Syriza lui-même a aussi presque complètement changé en tout juste un an, plus ou moins, passant du réformisme de gauche à la social-démocratie bourgeoise. La formation du gouvernement avec le parti nationaliste bourgeois ANEL (ce qui n'a jamais été contesté par ceux qui plus tard ont fondé la parti Unité populaire, le parti que la direction de la QI soutient actuellement en Grèce), l'intégration dans le gouvernement de nombreux membres du personnel politique et administratif des deux grands partis bourgeois, la ND et le PASOK, et surtout la rupture avec la grande majorité de sa base militante et dans la jeunesse, ont irréversiblement modifié la nature du parti Syriza. C'est un destin que partagent tous les partis réformistes qui veulent gérer la crise dans le cadre du capitalisme, quelles que soient les intentions de leurs directions. C'est une conclusion à laquelle la direction de la QI n'est jamais parvenue, parlant plutôt d'une « capitulation » inexpliquée de Tsipras, dépourvue de tout contenu de classe.La conséquence pratique, c'est sa promptitude à répéter les mêmes erreurs. Elle continue de s’allier et de s’adapter à la politique d’Iglesias aujourd’hui par l’intermédiaire de la majorité de la section espagnole.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="FR">C- Une carence militante et un grave problème démocratique</span></b><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Les réunions du CI de la QI sont aujourd’hui réduites à des débats d’analyse sans conséquence dans la pratique. Les débats se succèdent sans que soient définies des campagnes coordonnées à l’échelle internationale. Pourtant, aux quatre coins du globe nous avons des camarades qui mènent des luttes qui s’affrontent concrètement au capitalisme. Les discussions de fond doivent être nourries par l’action : les bilans d’activités des sections devraient nourrir la discussion, et la confrontation des idées devraient aboutir à la définition de tâches communes. Sans objectifs communs à l’échelle internationale et sans entraide politique et matérielle, il est impossible de se construire au-delà d’une certaine échelle dans chacun de nos pays. Mais surtout, notre internationale doit être plus qu’un club d’échanges théoriques. Elle doit être un outil pour l’action révolutionnaire. Se poser ensemble les problèmes politiques de la lutte de classes à l’échelle internationale et réfléchir ensemble aux problèmes que nous posons dans chacun de nos pays pour tenter de les résoudre ensemble, voilà à quoi devrait servir un « parti mondial ». La construction d’un tel parti international, avancer dans cette direction, est une tâche pour aujourd’hui.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">L’exclusion récente par la majorité de la section de l'État espagnol de la minorité d’Anticapitalistas qui pesait 20 % à son dernier congrès et qui a formé aujourd’hui IZAR, révèle un grave problème démocratique. C’est le refus d’accepter la critique de l’orientation majoritaire de la QI. Plus grave, le refus de donner aux camarades la possibilité de s’exprimer devant le CI sous prétexte d’un veto de la section est contraire à tous nos principes de démocratie ouvrière : la possibilité de se défendre au moment d’une exclusion existe pourtant dans toute une série d’organisations réformistes… mais elle n’a pas existé dans la QI pour les camarades d’IZAR. Il a donc été acté que la majorité d’une section pouvait exclure comme bon lui semblait sa minorité… sans la moindre chance de recours. Heureusement que la majorité des camarades de la section française qui sont membres du NPA n’ont pas cette vision autoritaire des divergences politiques et n’ont donc pas agi de la sorte avec leur minorité <sup>(1)</sup> ! Nos camarades de Socialist Action Canada ont été et sont toujours à l’heure actuelle victimes de la même exclusive. Il y a bien évidemment une logique politique à l’œuvre derrière ces exclusions : les règles démocratiques de base sont mises de côté quand il s’agit de camarades qui sont en désaccord, sur la gauche, avec la politique de la direction. Celle-ci favorise alors le travail avec des groupes extérieurs à la QI, et exerce une pression sur la section pour l'isoler, comme en Grèce. La direction de la QI présente souvent notre organisation internationale comme la tendance internationale « la plus démocratique ». Les déclarations d’intentions sont bien loin des faits concrets. En effet, face à des situations de scissions pour désaccords politiques, l’IST dans l'État espagnol <sup>(2)</sup> et la LIT au Brésil <sup>(3) </sup>se sont montrés plus ouverts, en maintenant dans les deux cas des relations avec les différents groupes issus des scissions.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Nous ne pouvons plus esquiver les bilans de la politique défendue par la majorité du dernier congrès mondial de la QI en 2010. Le prochain CI doit effectivement acter le lancement et la date du prochain congrès mondial qui doit se tenir en 2018.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="FR">II-Une situation où existent des occasions de renforcement pour les révolutionnaires et les idées communistes</span></b><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Nous ne partageons pas l’appréciation de la situation que fait la direction de la QI. Si elle est effectivement marquée par une offensive de plus en plus violente de la bourgeoisie, elle est néanmoins contradictoire et recèle des possibilités pour les communistes révolutionnaires de faire entendre leurs idées et de se renforcer.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="FR">A- La baisse tendancielle du taux de profit : racine de la crise<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="FR">Le problème fondamental des capitalistes reste la baisse tendancielle du taux de profit. La crise écologique se conjugue avec la crise économique et le capitalisme est ainsi dans une situation de crise prolongée dont il ne sortira pas spontanément. Pour restaurer le taux de profit, les capitalistes se voient obligés de bouleverser leur mode de domination, en infligeant une défaite historique à la classe ouvrière. C'est le sens de l'offensive capitaliste actuelle. Les tensions inter-impérialistes augmentent et les interventions militaires se multiplient. Le nombre de réfugiés explose, le racisme et la xénophobie sont ouvertement encouragés par les gouvernements de toutes les grandes puissances. La barbarie n’est pas une possibilité prévisible pour le futur, c’est la réalité pour la majeure partie de l’humanité.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="FR">B- Directions traditionnelles et « nouveaux réformismes » : adaptation à l'offensive capitaliste actuelle<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="FR">Loin de combattre l’offensive capitaliste, les directions traditionnelles du mouvement ouvrier s’y adaptent. La social-démocratie est totalement intégrée à l'appareil d'État et les directions issues du stalinisme accompagnent les politiques des bourgeoisies nationales.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Ce recul massif de la social-démocratie et des formations de type Labor Party ne se limite pas à l'Europe. Il est mondial. Au Canada, par exemple, nous avons vu la direction du New Democratic Party (NDP), liée aux syndicats, promettre un « budget équilibré » quelles que soient les circonstances, lors de la campagne menant aux élections fédérales d'octobre 2015. Mettre en œuvre cette politique empêcherait un gouvernement NDP de retirer la plupart des sévères mesures d'austérité introduites par le gouvernement précédent du Conservative Party, mené par Stephen Harper. Le forfait politique du NDP et la position de « vote utile » d'une grande partie de la bureaucratie syndicale, a canalisé le mécontentement massif de la classe ouvrière contre l'austérité pour aboutir à une victoire du Liberal Party de Justin Trudeau, qui a brièvement fait mine de passer sur la gauche du NDP.</span><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Quant aux courants dits « populistes » en Amérique du Sud, ils ont démontré leur incapacité à changer sur le fond la situation, ils refusent toute rupture franche avec l'impérialisme et le capital.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Les prétendus « nouveaux réformismes » sont un symptôme de politisation, un reflet de l'augmentation des luttes. Mais la politique de Syriza au pouvoir montre à quel point ces forces se sont adaptées au capitalisme en crise en un temps record et sont prêtes elles-mêmes à mettre en œuvre les plans de la bourgeoisie, sans avoir pour autant l'ancrage ouvrier de masse qu'avaient pu acquérir les « anciens » réformistes.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Les courants anarchistes ou autonomes parviennent à capter une partie de la révolte de la jeunesse. Nous devons mener une politique en direction de ces courants, avec parfois des possibilités d’accords tactiques avec certains d’entre eux. Mais nous ne devons pas leur laisser le terrain de la radicalité, tout en expliquant en quoi leur politique est une impasse.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="FR">C- Instabilité chronique du système, résistances de masse et politisation</span></b><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Le rapport de forces nous est bien sûr très défavorable. Mais des résistances de masse agitent tous les continents. La crise du système nourrit une instabilité politique chronique.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">La violence de l’offensive capitaliste nourrit évidemment des phénomènes de régression sociale et politique. La gauche traditionnelle, lorsqu'elle parvient au gouvernement, mène l'offensive capitaliste et ouvre ainsi un espace à l'extrême droite. Mais c'est loin d'être le sentiment majoritaire dans la classe ouvrière. Dans la base électorale de ces courants d'extrême droite, on trouve néanmoins un nombre significatif de travailleurs, qui ont été les premières victimes du capitalisme. Une riposte sérieuse de la classe ouvrière qui remporterait de victoires significatives pourrait reconquérir nombre de ceux qui ont été momentanément captés par la démagogie de l’extrême droite.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">L’effet de l’offensive dans le cadre de la crise n’est pas unilatéral. Elle suscite également des résistances massives et une nouvelle politisation. Cette dynamique de polarisation est bien représentée par l’élection de Trump : s’il symbolise la politique de plus en plus réactionnaire des classes dirigeantes, il a été élu dans une situation où les mobilisations sont en augmentation et où l’intérêt pour les idées socialistes sont au plus haut depuis des décennies dans la principale puissance mondiale. De même, à l’échelle internationale, les possibilités d'explosion sociale et de luttes collectives augmentent.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Il y a chez des franges significatives de la classe ouvrière et de la jeunesse une perception que ce système est pourri et nous mène à la faillite. La plupart du temps, les masses en lutte savent ce qu'elles ne veulent plus et éprouvent un profond dégoût pour le système capitaliste, sans avoir d'idée de quoi mettre à la place ni comment. Mais nous n’assistons pas seulement à des luttes en réponse mécanique aux attaques. Nous assistons aussi à des processus d’accumulation d'expériences, de politisation, de regroupement et d'organisation. Les mobilisations nationales massives contre la remise en cause du code du travail en France, la lutte des travailleurs à bas salaires pour le droit à former des syndicats et un salaire minimum de 15 $ et la montée de <i>Black Lives Matter</i> aux États-Unis, les mobilisations étudiantes sans précédent au Québec, les grèves massives des travailleurs en Asie, particulièrement en Chine et en Inde… mais également l'intérêt renouvelé pour le socialisme illustré par la double victoire de Jeremy Corbyn à la direction du Labour Party britannique, ainsi que le regain d’intérêt pour les idées socialistes aux États-Unis indiquent que les éléments d’une prise de conscience anti-capitaliste sont présents. C’est un processus très inégal et limité. Ce sont principalement des courants hostiles au socialisme qui sont nourris par le profond mécontentement. L'audience électorale du FIT en Argentine, ou les recompositions dans le mouvement syndical en Afrique du Sud, malgré les limites de ces deux expériences, mais surtout le regain d'intérêt pour le « socialisme » aux États-Unis indiquent cependant que les idées anticapitalistes peuvent acquérir une audience de masse.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="FR">III- La classe ouvrière joue toujours un rôle central</span></b><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Une vision largement partagée dans les milieux militants contribue à nourrir le scepticisme sur l’actualité de la révolution : l’offensive néo-libérale aurait tellement précarisé et affaibli la classe ouvrière qu’elle ne jouerait plus de rôle central. En réalité, la classe ouvrière est globalement aujourd’hui plus nombreuse que jamais : rien qu’en Corée du Sud aujourd’hui il y a plus de travailleurs salariés que dans le monde entier à l’époque de Marx. La classe ouvrière qui de notre point de vue est composée des travailleurs salariés n'exerçant pas un pouvoir hiérarchique, constitue aujourd’hui entre 80 et 90 % de la population dans les pays les plus industrialisés et presque la moitié de la population mondiale. Globalement, le nombre de travailleurs industriels est passé de 490 millions dans le monde en 1991 à 715 millions en 2012 (chiffres de l'Organisation internationale du travail). Le rythme de croissance de l’industrie a même été supérieur à celui des services entre 2004 et 2012 ! Ce n'est pas le secteur industriel qui a baissé mais le secteur agricole, en passant de 44 à 32 % de la force de travail globale. Il est vrai que la classe ouvrière industrielle a régressé numériquement dans les anciennes puissances capitalistes. Mais son rôle dans la lutte de classe est très loin d'être secondaire, comme l'ont prouvé par exemple les cheminots et les raffineries en France dans les grèves de masse de 2010 et 2016. Et la prolétarisation des services a créé de nouveaux secteurs salariés dans les anciennes métropoles capitalistes qui ont récemment prouvé leur combativité comme dans le nettoyage (comme par exemple les grèves historiques aux Pays-Bas en 2010 et 2012), ou dans la grande distribution et les fast-food avec le mouvement <i>Fight for 15 </i>aux États-Unis.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Il n'est pas vrai que le développement de la précarité a rendu la classe ouvrière incapable de mener des luttes significative et de jouer un rôle révolutionnaire. Dans le passé, une condition prolétarienne bien plus précaire qu'aujourd'hui et l'absence de grande industrie n'avaient pas empêché les ouvriers parisiens de prendre le pouvoir lors de la Commune... et aujourd'hui, les travailleurs trouvent le chemin des mobilisations malgré les obstacles créés par l'offensive capitaliste : la plus grande grève en France depuis plusieurs décennies, en termes numérique et de durée, a été la grève des travailleurs sans-papiers de 2009-2010, qui a impliqué 6000 grévistes, dont 1500 dans l’intérim, organisés en comité de grève, sur dix mois. La grève générale en Guadeloupe en 2009 a montré la capacité des travailleurs de fédérer les opprimés et de menacer le pouvoir. En opérant un redéploiement international de l'industrie, la mondialisation capitaliste a créé de nouvelles classes ouvrières dans les pays du Sud, dont les mobilisations récentes ont montré le potentiel : la vague de grèves que connaît la Chine depuis 2010, les grèves massives de Bursa en Turquie en 2015, la formation de syndicats de masse combatifs en Indonésie, le rôle du mouvement syndical et des grèves de masse dans la démission de la Première ministre en Corée du Sud fin 2016...<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Ces luttes se déroulent pour l'essentiel à l'encontre des directions syndicales. Pour que ces luttes débouchent sur une remise en cause du système, il est nécessaire de reconstruire une direction ouvrière lutte de classe à l'échelle internationale. Construire cette aile lutte de classe du mouvement ouvrier, indépendante des directions syndicales, capable en particulier de susciter la construction d'organes d'auto-organisation, de comités de grève, est une tâche centrale pour une internationale révolutionnaire. Des différenciations ou des ruptures au sein du mouvement ouvrier indiquent que de nouvelles possibilités s'ouvrent : processus de création d'une nouvelle confédération syndicale en rupture avec l'ANC en Afrique du Sud, différenciations au sein de la CGT en France et discussions en vue de la formation d'un « pôle ouvrier » lutte de classes suite au mouvement sur la loi Travail...<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR"> Si on tient compte de toutes ces évolutions, la classe ouvrière mondiale n'a jamais eu un rôle potentiellement aussi puissant. Tous les secteurs de la classe ouvrière n'ont pas le même poids objectif dans l'appareil de production et ne sont pas en capacité de jouer le même rôle, et nous devons en tenir compte dans nos efforts d'implantation. Mais les révolutionnaires doivent prendre au sérieux le rôle central de la classe ouvrière et développer une intervention politique systématique dans sa direction. Cette tâche devrait être prise en charge non seulement par les sections nationales mais faire l'objet de discussions régulières au niveau international.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="FR">IV- Ce que nous proposons</span></b><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="FR">A- Construire des partis révolutionnaires d'avant-garde : l’actualité du léninisme<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="FR">Voilà comment Lénine dans <i>La Maladie infantile du communisme : le gauchisme</i> définissait la discipline de parti, comment se forge un parti de cadres pour la révolution, à l'opposé de la vision caricaturale des staliniens :<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">« Et tout d'abord la question se pose: qu'est-ce qui cimente la discipline du parti révolutionnaire du prolétariat ? Qu'est-ce qui la contrôle ? Qu'est-ce qui l'étaye ? C'est, d'abord, la conscience de l'avant-garde prolétarienne et son dévouement à la révolution, sa fermeté, son esprit de sacrifice, son héroïsme. C'est, ensuite, son aptitude à se lier, à se rapprocher et, si vous voulez, à se fondre jusqu'à un certain point avec la masse la plus large des travailleurs, au premier chef avec la masse prolétarienne, mais aussi la masse des travailleurs non prolétarienne. Troisièmement, c'est la justesse de la direction politique réalisée par cette avant-garde, la justesse de sa stratégie et de sa tactique politiques, à condition que les plus grandes masses se convainquent de cette justesse par leur propre expérience. À défaut de ces conditions, dans un parti révolutionnaire réellement capable d'être le parti de la classe d'avant-garde appelée à renverser la bourgeoisie et à transformer la société, la discipline est irréalisable. Ces conditions faisant défaut, toute tentative de créer cette discipline se réduit inéluctablement à des phrases creuses, à des mots, à des simagrées. Mais, d'autre part, ces conditions ne peuvent pas surgir d'emblée. Elles ne s'élaborent qu'au prix d'un long travail, d'une dure expérience ; leur élaboration est facilitée par une théorie révolutionnaire juste qui n'est pas un dogme, et qui ne se forme définitivement qu'en liaison étroite avec la pratique d'un mouvement réellement massif et réellement révolutionnaire. »<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">« Pas de révolution sans parti révolutionnaire.» Cela signifie que par-delà la diversité des tactiques que peuvent adopter les révolutionnaires dans la construction de leur parti en fonction des pays et des situations, <b>construire des partis révolutionnaires, des partis pour la prise du pouvoir et le communisme reste l'objectif stratégique</b>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Pour construire des organisations révolutionnaires qui ne se contentent pas de proclamer des principes, nous nous donnons comme objectif de construire un parti de <b>cadres</b> capable de donner vie à ces principes programmatiques, ce qui signifie chercher à donner les moyens à toutes nos militantes et militants d’acquérir le niveau de formation le plus élevé possible pour jouer un rôle dans la destruction du capitalisme et la construction d’une autre société. Mais cette formation doit être cohérente avec notre pratique militante. Pour être en mesure d'en finir avec ce système qui génère exploitation et oppressions, nous devons au maximum réduire la séparation entre la sphère privée et la sphère politique. Cette séparation est le produit du système capitaliste dans lequel nous vivons. Contre cette logique de la « séparation », nous nous donnons consciemment à la perspective de la révolution et nous la mettons en cohérence avec nos choix et modes de vie. Cela est tout le contraire de la frustration de chaque individu, c’est au contraire l’émancipation et l’association librement consentie et à contre-courant de l’idéologie dominante véhiculée par l'État, l’école et la famille, de se regrouper pour atteindre un but commun : la destruction du système capitaliste, fait d’exploitation et d’oppressions pour construire une autre société, la société communiste.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">La recherche d’une <b>implantation</b> dans la classe ouvrière et dans les secteurs opprimés est décisive et doit faire l’objet de discussion systématiques et d’outils propres. L'actualité de la <b>grève générale insurrectionnelle comme « hypothèse stratégique » principale dans une majorité de régions du globe</b>, notre analyse du rôle central de la classe ouvrière doit ainsi avoir d’emblée des conséquences pratiques, dans nos sections et à l’échelle internationale. Que voulons-nous dire ? Cela veut dire que nous avons une politique volontariste d’implantation dans les secteurs clés de l’économie capitaliste. Qu’un effort dans chaque section doit être fait dans ce sens, mais aussi que l’internationale aide à atteindre cet objectif participe à l’effort. À travers un apport théorique, mais aussi de centralisation de l’information. Cela veut aussi dire que nous développons de façon systématique une intervention politique indépendante en direction de notre classe.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Tous les révolutionnaires doivent réfléchir à comment riposter à la fois contre l’austérité et contre le système capitaliste. La seule manière de défendre nos droits sociaux et d’en gagner de nouveaux est toujours la mobilisation de la classe ouvrière et de la jeunesse. Tout acquis social l’a été par la mobilisation. L'histoire du 20ème siècle le démontre. Les droits des travailleurs et des femmes n’ont pas été gagnés dans les élection mais par des grèves et des mobilisation. En ce sens, notre principale tâche et de reconstruire la conscience de classe. La manière la plus efficace pour ce faire est la confrontation des intérêts de la classe ouvrière à ceux de la bourgeoisie. Les luttes, manifestations, occupations, assemblées, grèves, sont les meilleurs outils pour élever le niveau de conscience des opprimés. Nous ne pouvons certes pas ignorer les élections, mais elles doivent être subordonnées aux mobilisations. Dans notre stratégie, les élection ne sont pas un but en soi, mais un moyens pour renforcer la mobilisation de notre classe, dans le but d’élever sa conscience; Les travailleurs et la jeunesse doivent mener la lutte contre toutes les oppressions et les lier à la lutte pour l’émancipation de classe. Ainsi, est-il nécessaire que les organisations de masse du mouvement ouvrier incluent dans leurs plateformes des éléments tels que « à travail égal salaire égal », le respect des droits des LGBT et la socialisation du travail de reproduction sociale.</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">L’hypothèse stratégique que nous défendons pour mettre fin au capitalisme est une suite ininterrompue de mobilisations qui rendent la classe ouvrière consciente de la nécessité de prendre le pouvoir pour construire le socialisme. Nous ne fétichisons pas les grèves mais elles constituent un biais essentiel pour élever la confiance des travailleurs dans leurs propres forces. Les grèves sont des écoles de combat parce qu’elles constituent des moments dans lesquelles la classe ouvrière peut s’auto-organiser et elles constituent un moyen de conflit.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Nous, révolutionnaires, ne pouvons ignorer les luttes d’aujourd’hui même si elles sont petites. Au contraire, nous devons y prendre part.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Une internationale révolutionnaire qui n’a pas comme priorité la jeunesse, est une internationale vouée à disparaître. La jeunesse joue toujours un rôle d'avant-garde tactique. Cette théorie développée par Ernest Mandel est toujours d’actualité : que l’on prenne les processus des révolutions arabes ou les mobilisations en Amérique latine, au Mexique et au Chili, mais aussi en France au moment du CPE, et vraisemblablement bientôt aux USA avec les mobilisations anti-Trump. Son rôle dans les luttes est toujours primordial, et le recrutement dans la jeunesse est tout simplement vital pour toute organisation révolutionnaire. Être conséquent avec cette affirmation, c’est ne pas abandonner plusieurs acquis théoriques et d’intervention de notre courant. Nous défendons l’autonomie de la jeunesse, une autonomie subordonnée au prolétariat et à ses intérêts historiques, mais avec des formes d’organisation, non pas indépendantes mais autonomes des organisations du mouvement ouvrier et des partis que nous construisons. Nous nous fixons donc, quand c’est possible, l’objectif de la construction d'organisations révolutionnaires de jeunesse. Les secteurs jeunes dans nos partis sont une médiation pour atteindre ce but. Nous devons par ailleurs avoir une orientation spécifique en direction de la jeunesse scolarisée. Il s’agit d’un secteur de la jeunesse qui participe activement aux bouleversements lors des processus révolutionnaires. Le camp international de jeunes joue donc un rôle fondamental dans le cadre de cette politique. Mais il ne doit pas se transformer en un lien excluant pour les voix discordantes vis-à-vis de la direction de la QI. L’interdiction de faire participer le secteur jeune du NPA, au dernier camp montre une faiblesse théorique et militante inquiétante. Tout comme le refus de faire que quatre camarades d'IZAR puissent simplement entrer pour tenir un atelier au sein du camp, obligeant ces derniers, qui pour certains ont construit la QI pendant quinze ans, à devoir animer leur atelier sur le parking avec plus de 70 jeunes qui voulaient comprendre, débattre, échanger. Ces épisodes sont symptomatiques d’un sectarisme sclérosant et craintif formant de fait des jeunes qui s’habituent à ces pratiques sous prétexte de pureté idéologique et de lutte contre le « fractionnisme ».<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Il n'y pas de muraille de Chine entre ce que nous défendons comme projet de société, le communisme, et le parti que nous cherchons à construire. Il doit y avoir une cohérence entre ces deux termes. Notre parti ne sera pas un îlot de communisme car il vit et se développe dans le cadre de rapports sociaux déterminés par le système capitaliste et le patriarcat. Mais nous devons au maximum nous en approcher. Cela concerne bien sûr les rapports militants qui doivent respecter les principes démocratiques et ne pas contredire notre programme de lutte contre toutes les oppressions. Mais au-delà, c’est l’association librement consentie d’hommes et de femmes qui luttent pour le communisme et qui sont régis par des rapports qui ne peuvent être contradictoire avec ces principes d’émancipation. Qui combattent toute forme de « séparation » produite par le capital entre travail intellectuel et le travail manuel, entre les hommes et les femmes, entre les nationaux et les étrangers, entre les sphères privée et politique… qui refuse toute forme de tabou à l’intérieur de l’organisation, mais construit au contraire grâce au débat et à la vérification par la pratique une unité programmatique et d’intervention de l’ensemble de ses membres.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="FR">B- Défendre un programme de transition pour le 21ème siècle</span></b><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">La QI devrait défendre un ensemble de mesures clés, une démarche transitoire : on part des revendications quotidiennes, on les lie à la question du pouvoir et à l’aspiration à une autre société. En définitive, lier les luttes actuelles à la remise en cause des piliers du système capitaliste.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">L’un des premiers axes de ce programme est l’expropriation des secteurs clés de l'économie. La crise bancaires et les plans de sauvetage ont ouvert une nouvelle possibilité d’expliquer de manière populaire la nécessité de réquisitionner les banques. Les faillites d’entreprises, les licenciements massifs et les luttes qu’ils suscitent nous donnent également la possibilité de remettre au goût du jour la lutte pour le contrôle ouvrier et pour expliquer la nécessité de la réquisition des grands moyens de production, de communication et d’échanges. Une démarche transitoire, c’est par exemple lier l’interdiction des licenciements avec le contrôle par les travailleurs eux-mêmes de l'embauche.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Les ressources fossiles et minérales ne sont pas infinies. Le pic maximum d’extraction sera atteint dans les années qui viennent. Le capitalisme avec sa logique structurelle vise à consommer toujours plus de matières premières et d’énergie. L’objectif du capitalisme est de produire toujours plus et de faire toujours plus de profits. Le capitalisme ne peut pas être « vert ». Le capitalisme détruit notre environnement et ses espèces. Il détruit notre planète. Mais là encore, il ne peut y avoir d’écologie conséquente sans une lutte conséquente contre le capitalisme et sans la compréhension que le seul sujet qui peut en finir avec le capitalisme et le désastre écologique qu’il engendre, c’est la classe ouvrière. Si nous partageons cette analyse, nous devons en tirer les conséquences, d’implantation, d’intervention et d’orientation. En effet, c’est la classe ouvrière alliée avec d’autres secteurs qui est capable d’imposer, face à la catastrophe écologique, un programme de transition écologique anticapitaliste, axé sur la remise en cause des énergies fossiles et nucléaires et sur la nécessité de la planification de l'économie à l’échelle internationale.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Le monde capitaliste reste structuré, organisé par l’impérialisme dont les intérêts ne sont jamais liés par aucun engagement vis-à-vis d’aucun peuple, même si ponctuellement ils peuvent faire le choix de soutenir telle ou telle lutte avec leurs propres méthodes et leurs propres objectifs.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">L’anti-impérialisme doit constituer un axe central de notre propagande et de notre activité : nous nous positionnons contre toutes les interventions impérialistes et pour le retrait des troupes impérialistes. Mais cela veut dire qu’être solidaire par exemple du peuple kurde, ce n'est pas éluder la responsabilité centrale de l'impérialisme dans le développement de courants réactionnaires comme l'EI. Et la situation que vivent les peuples de la région. Sans pour autant nier que ces courants réactionnaires ont également leur propre logique et autonomie. Nous devions et devons donc participer aux manifestations en défense du peuple kurde, tout en liant cette défense inconditionnelle avec notre refus sans ambiguïté de l'intervention impérialiste. C'est pourquoi nous ne signons pas d’appels à manifester qui demandent à notre gouvernement de fournir des armes aux Kurdes. Nous ne donnons pas l'illusion que notre bourgeoisie pourrait défendre les peuples de la région.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Face à notre propre impérialisme, ce n’est pas à nous de susciter des illusions sur le thème : des armes et pas des bombes. Et c’est très exactement ce qui est arrivé aux députés de l’Alliance rouge et verte dont des membres de la QI qui ont voté au parlement les crédits de guerre sous prétexte que cela permettait d’envoyer des armes ; mais se sont retrouvés très vite confrontés à la deuxième étape, la seule réellement importante pour le gouvernement danois comme pour les autres : l’envoi de F-16 danois qui aujourd’hui bombardent l’Irak aux côtés des États-Unis et de la France.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Les classes ouvrières qui se soulèveront devront se confronter à la fois à « leur propre » appareil d'État national et aux institutions internationales impérialistes comme l'UE. « Le principal ennemi est à la maison » signifie également que nous devons nous battre simultanément contre les coalitions impérialistes internationales auxquelles nos propres bourgeoisies participent. Tout en étant fermement opposés à toute alternative capitaliste nationaliste, nous savons qu'une politique anticapitaliste est incompatible avec l'UE.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Nous savons que la lutte contre l'impérialisme, le racisme, l'austérité et la domination capitaliste n'est pas un combat qui peut se mener au seul niveau d'un seul pays. Elle ne peut non plus se mener sans rompre avec la politique au service des capitalistes, de l'UE et de la BCE, avec l'Europe de la finance. S’attaquer au pouvoir de nos bourgeoisies nationales c’est rompre avec les institutions de l’Union européenne.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Contre l'Europe de la troïka nous défendons la solidarité internationale pour une Europe socialiste des travailleurs et des peuples.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">L'imposition de l'austérité à l'échelle mondiale est inséparable de la montée correspondante des guerres et interventions impérialistes. Nous sommes les témoins quasi quotidiens de guerres, de bombardements massifs, de meurtres de masse par des armées privatisées ou mercenaires, à coups de drones, d'embargo ou de sanctions, et de guerres quasi-secrètes, menés par les États-Unis, la seule super-puissance mondiale, avec leurs congénères historiques impérialistes européens. C'est le cas avec le Commandement africain des États-Unis qui recolonise et pille l'Afrique. L'impérialisme français aussi, tout comme d'autres anciennes puissances coloniales européennes, interviennent de plus en plus en Afrique et ailleurs pour maintenir et accroître ses intérêts.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Il n'y a pas de « guerres humanitaires » conduites par la bête impérialiste. Il n'y en a jamais eu. Le terme lui-même est rédhibitoire pour les révolutionnaires, dont la raison d'être est de s'opposer à toutes les guerres et interventions impérialistes. Le soutien inconditionnel au droit des peuples et des nations opprimées à l'auto-détermination est un principe socialiste révolutionnaire fondamental. La QI doit refuser inconditionnellement tous les appels à l'impérialisme pour qu'il aide à la défaite des tyrans et dictateurs locaux. Cette « aide » a inévitablement des conséquences, des conséquences mortelles qui ressemblent plus à une corde au cou qu'à une quelconque sorte d'assistance « bénigne » ou « démocratique ».<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">La libération des opprimés ne peut être menée à bien que par leurs propres organisations de masse indépendantes et par la construction, au moment voulu et quelle que soit la difficulté des circonstances, de partis socialistes révolutionnaires de type léniniste. Le refus de l'intervention impérialiste sous toutes ses formes est le pré-requis des luttes de libération nationales victorieuses, et de toute autre victoire. Libérées du joug impérialiste, les nations opprimées sont les mieux à même de déterminer leur propre avenir et de remettre en cause effectivement leurs propres bourgeoisies.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Face aux incessantes guerres de conquête impérialistes, les revendications centrales de la QI devrait se concentrer autour de deux mots d'ordre : « rapatriement immédiat des troupes ! » et « droit à l’auto-détermination pour toutes les nations opprimées ! »<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Nous défendons les droits des peuples à leur auto-détermination. Mais nous ne nous plaçons pas sous la direction d’une quelconque bourgeoisie nationale, même si elle issue d’une nation opprimée.</span><span lang="FR"> Dans les nations opprimées, nous défendons un équilibre entre la lutte démocratique pour le droit à l’auto-détermination et la lutte pour une société sans classes. Cela signifie qu’en fonction de notre stratégie, la lutte pour l’émancipation nationale peut être utile pour l’émancipation de la classe ouvrière, seulement quand la classe ouvrière dirige la lutte. Ainsi, nous devons maintenir une indépendance de classe vis-à-vis de la bourgeoisie des nations opprimées. Par exemple, la lutte pour le droit à l’auto-détermination des nations opprimées par l'État espagnol peut être un tremplin dans la lutte contre le capitalisme si notre classe y joue un rôle dirigeant.</span><span lang="FR"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Ce programme, n’est pas une plateforme électorale, un programme de gouvernement. Nous expliquons qu’il ne peut être imposé que par une mobilisation d’ensemble de la classe ouvrière et des opprimés, qui porte au pouvoir un gouvernement des travailleurs qui détruise l'État bourgeois en s’appuyant sur les organes d’auto-organisation issus de la mobilisation de notre classe alliée aux opprimés.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="FR">C- Construire une internationale révolutionnaire<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="FR">Nous insistons, nous devons nous fixer l’objectif de construire une internationale militante, une organisation capable de mener des campagnes coordonnées à l'échelle internationale. Même avec des forces modestes, une organisation implantée dans plusieurs pays qui agit de manière coordonnée peut multiplier l’efficacité de son intervention.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Notre internationale doit remettre à l’ordre du jour la discussion d’un programme communiste révolutionnaire qui se confronte aux réalités du capitalisme du 21ème siècle, au lieu de discussions théoriques sans lien entre elles et séparées de la pratique.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Nous ne pouvons incarner seuls l'internationale communiste révolutionnaire. Nous devons chercher à regrouper les révolutionnaires issus de différentes traditions, à partir d'un accord sur la situation et les tâches. C'est par une pratique commune que les discussions politiques peuvent aboutir à des regroupements. Regrouper les révolutionnaires à l’échelle internationale devrait faire partie des objectifs en discussion dans la QI. La construction d’une internationale révolutionnaire capable d’exercer une influence significative ne passera pas uniquement par le renforcement de notre organisation : la QI pourrait proposer aux autres groupes révolutionnaires nationaux ou internationaux d’entamer des discussions concernant les réponses à apporter à la crise du capitalisme, sur les campagnes communes à mener et sur le type d’organisation à construire.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">Nous savons que cette politique de recherche de discussion avec d’autres traditions n’aboutira pas à court terme à des rapprochements rapides compte-tenu de la conviction des directions trotskystes des différentes internationales de la justesse de leurs postions programmatiques et tactiques. De plus, la conviction qu’il faut construire autour de son propre groupe est la règle dans l’ensemble des internationales. Pour autant, nous devons être conscients que nous ne construirons pas une internationale pour la révolution et le communisme par une lente accumulation de forces autour de nous. Nous avons toujours des choses à apprendre des différentes traditions révolutionnaires trotskystes et même au-delà. Il existe des expériences et des militants et militantes de valeur dans de nombreux courants et organisations. C’est au travers du débat théorique et programmatique en tension avec l’intervention sur le terrain de la lutte des classes que se produiront les explosions, regroupements et recomposition aux niveaux national et international.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="FR">Conclusion provisoire<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="FR">Cette contribution est la base d’un premier regroupement pour lancer les débats du prochain congrès. Nous défendons l’actualité d’une internationale qui sache saisir les occasions de la situation et qui construise une internationale pour la révolution et le communisme. À partir des axes politiques de cette contribution, nous voulons lancer un large débat en direction des courants révolutionnaires dans et en dehors de la QI. Nous comptons défendre ces idées dans le cadre du CI et dans la perspective du prochain congrès de la QI qui ne peut plus être reporté : il doit se tenir en 2018 ! Nous allons pour cela engager un débat avec toutes et tous les camarades, toutes les sections qui le veulent dans la QI. Nous souhaitons que ce débat respecte les divergences et serve à renforcer notre internationale dans un contexte de crise du capitalisme. Nous organiserons pour cela une conférence internationale qui sera une étape supplémentaire dans la discussion et le regroupement pour mener ce débat face à l’actuelle majorité de la QI. Mais plus largement, pour forger un courant le plus large possible, qui défende la perspective et l’actualité de la construction d’une internationale pour la révolution et le communisme.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">(1) les membres de la QI en France sont membres de plusieurs organisations politiques : le NPA, la Gauche Anticapitaliste et la Gauche Unitaire. Lors de la scission entre le NPA et la GA, personne n'a envisagé d'exclure de la QI la minorité partie fonder la GA.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">(2) En Lucha, section espagnole de l'IST (regroupement international rattaché au SWP britannique) a connu une scission en 2016. Le groupe exclu de Séville est reconnu comme observateur par son internationale.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR">(3) le PSTU, section brésilienne de la Ligue internationale des travailleurs (issu du courant dit « Moreniste »), a connu une scission en 2016 : 40 % de ses membres ont fondé le Front de gauche socialiste. Le PSTU et le FGS sont tous deux reconnus par la LIT.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Xavier Guessou, Comité Politique National NPA<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Armelle Pertus, Comité Exécutif NPA<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Gaël Quirante, Comité Exécutif NPA<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Juliette Stein, Comité Politique National NPA<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Mariajo Teruel, dirección política estatal (IZAR-Malaga)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Javier Castillo, dirección política estatal (IZAR-Madrid)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Tomás Martínez, dirección política estatal (IZAR-Almería)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Rubén Quirante, dirección política estatal (IZAR-Granada)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Jeff Mackler, National secretary Socialist Action<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Michael Schreiber, editor, Socialist Action news paper <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Barry Weisleder, federal secretary, Socialist Action/Ligue pour l’Action Socialiste<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: .5pt;">Giuseppe Caretta, Collettivo Guevara<br />Angelo Cardone, Collettivo Guevara<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Kleanthis Antoniou, Political Bureau OKDE-Spartakos<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Taxiarhis Efstathiou, Central Committee OKDE-Spartakos, National Coordination Body ANTARSYA, General Council of ADEDY (public sector workers' national confederation)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Fani Oikonomidou, Political Bureau OKDE-Spartakos<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Manos Skoufoglou, Central Committee OKDE-Spartakos, Central Coordination Committee ANTARSYA<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Kostas Skordoulis, Control Commission OKDE-Spartakos<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-63541879048488852292014-11-05T00:45:00.000+02:002014-11-05T00:45:53.664+02:00Socialist Democracy (Ireland) statement: The Fourth International and Imperialist Intervention in SyriaMichael Voss (IV, September 14) says that it is "unusual" for him to vote for the transport of weapons from the Danish to the Iraqi government.<br />
However the vote was limited to one plane carrying weapons for Kurdish militias. For legal reasons the weapons must go through the puppet regime in Bagdad and then to a regional Kurdish government hostile to left forces, but the likelihood was (comrade Voss believes) that they would reach the intended groups.<br />
Many socialists would use a much harsher term than “unusual” in relation to the Danish decision. Michael says that Kurdish groups lobbied for such a vote, but his main argument is one of common purpose. Revolutionary socialists want to see the defeat of IS and so also do the imperialist powers.<br />
The weapons vote was put to the test right away. The Danish parliament voted to send fighter aircraft to the region, establishing Denmark as a full member of an imperialist blitzkrieg. In the meantime the constant manoeuvres of the different powers around the battle for Kobane has established that containing IS is not the only aim of imperialism in the area. The US has provided arms to the defenders, but this is in a context where they have been politically vetting organisations to selectively arm the most pro-western groups and where they have restricted arms to allow containment of groups such as IS without allowing the recipients to become self-sufficient in arms.<br />
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<b>A confused approach</b><br />
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Michael Voss then argued that:<br />
<i>“The two different votes (for the transport of arms, against the jet fighters) are in line with the basic approach that the RGA want to support local progressive forces fighting ISIL or other reactionary armies, but that the party opposes US, UK or Danish direct military intervention whether is bombing campaigns or ground forces. That is also the reason that the RGA – also on 1 October - tabled a proposal in parliament that Denmark help to supply weapons and humanitarian aid to the beleaguered Kurdish/multi-ethnic areas in Northern Syria. A few days later the RGA itself started collecting money for weapons to the Kurds.”</i><br />
To some extent the Danish view is supported by the majority of articles in International Viewpoint. In an unsigned "analysis" " - in reality a collection of news cuttings – in IV on 1st October makes a number of assertions;<br />
That these bombing are an attempt by Western imperialist forces and regional regimes led by Saudi Arabia to reimpose their hegemony over the region. We agree.<br />
That the only political groups that will benefit from these bombings are the two sides of the counter revolutions: the Assad regime[s] on one side and the reactionary Islamic and Jihadist political forces.<br />
Moreover the regime sees a chance to regain “legitimacy” with the West as part of an alliance in the War against Terrorism. We agree.<br />
However the foundation of the Danish perspective is laid when the article says that while many opposition groups oppose the imperialist bombing. FSA and Kurdish coordinations call on the international community to assist them militarily. The imperialists want to use the opposition but groups such as the FSA resist this because they want a guarantee that Assad will be removed.<br />
<i>… “In this perspective it is necessary to defend a local dynamic of self-defence rather than increasing stranglehold of imperialism and therefore we should also support the provision of weapons and arms to these democratic forces in the region to combat both counter revolutionary forces. These are important element that could empower the democratic forces on the ground and give them the tools to defend them” </i><br />
<i>“For the people who feel not at ease with the fact of demanding arms and weapons with no political conditions attached from the West”</i> we get a duff quote from Trotsky that shows a common fault in recent analysis – that is taking historical advice by Trotsky, Lenin et al to organised proletarian forces and presenting it as justification in a perspective where the working class and its interests as a class are nowhere discussed.<br />
The article goes on to argue that <i>“a third progressive and democratic front gathering the objectives of the revolutions (democracy, social justice and equality) and able to oppose all foreign imperialist and sub imperialist forces have not been able yet to constitute itself as a credible alternative political force until now for the masses on the regional basis. All efforts should be put forward to build this third democratic and progressive alternative”.</i><br />
A similar analysis, using exactly the same formulation, in an identical text to the above paragraph, was put forward on 10 October by Joseph Daher, member of the Syrian revolutionary Left.<br />
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<b>The same sign as the bourgeoisie?</b><br />
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“Comments and discussion” by François Sabado (IV Tuesday 30 September 2014) also falls back on quotation: <i>"In ninety cases out of a hundred the workers actually place a minus sign where the bourgeoisie places a plus sign. In ten cases however they are forced to fix the same sign as the bourgeoisie but with their own seal”</i><br />
This comment is taken so far out of context that it seems to suggest the opposite of what it originally meant.<br />
For Francois Sabado the key element of the situation is its complexity. Imperialism has no pre-determined plan and the powers have intervened in an emergency. The many conflicts in the area are partly the consequence of destructive imperialist intervention and also their weakening and decline following on from defeat in Iraq and Afghanistan. The democratic risings caused hesitations and changes of position. From the point of view of imperialism Daesh (IS) has gone too far. For the people the enemy is above all Daesh.<br />
<i>“So, can we support progressive Syrian and Kurdish sectors who are asking our governments to help them? Our criterion is the preservation of human life and the rights of peoples. And in this case, there is no hesitation”</i><br />
<i>Any suggestion of hesitation is certainly absent from Sarah Parker of the British section, who writes:</i><br />
<i>The representatives of the people of Kobani have been demanding that Nato members / EU countries restrain Turkey and supply the People’s Protection Units (YPG) with heavy weapons...</i><br />
<i>...There has been some debate on the left on the issues of arms for Kobani.... Common sense suggests it would be wise for EU and Nato members to swallow their fear of the influence of the Kurdish movement in Turkey and Syria, and to press Turkey to allow the corridor (for Kurdish reinforcements) to open. </i><br />
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<b>A Class analysis</b><br />
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From the viewpoint of Socialist Democracy in Ireland the fact that the long history of socialist analysis of imperialism, which we have relied on over 5 decades, is to be replaced by this sort of ”common sense” is a dreadful indication of the weakness of the socialist movement and an indication of its incapacity to intervene politically in support of a working class programme.<br />
There are profound errors and misjudgements that pervade all the commentaries and analysis that we have read so far in IV. These centre around the approach to imperialism, to the working class and to the tasks of solidarity.<br />
A lot of the complexity that François Sabado reads into the actions of imperialism can be avoided if we ask what are the class interests of the imperialists in the Middle East? Once we ask that question the answer is reasonably self-evident. Their interest is in stability – in the status quo ante. They want a region with Israel as the central nuclear armed gendarme, the Arab masses crushed between reactionary feudal structures and military dictatorships and the structures underpinned by sectarian divisions and rivalry.<br />
The US reaction to the various uprisings then becomes extremely coherent. They save the existing regime when they can, sacrifice the dictator and incorporate elements of the opposition where they must, sponsor sectarian fundamentalism as a way of weakening the opposition and are willing, if needs must, to accept Jihadists if that is the only alternative to a genuinely anti-imperialist government.<br />
To see Daesh/IS as a laboratory experiment that has now got to be suppressed is, I believe, a mistaken perspective. The process we are dealing with is less the rise of IS and more the absolute collapse of the structures of imperialist rule in Iraq. The US put together a puppet government where the only criteria for office was sectarian advantage and is surprised when soldiers refuse to fight for it, the army collapses and Sunni tribes support rebellion. The first response is to mobilise Shia militia who carry out the sort of atrocities that are supposed to put IS beyond the pale and to sponsor another puppet government in Iraq, also committed to perpetuating sectarian division. IS, it is claimed, is the chief enemy, but there is little mention or concern around the role of Saudi Arabia, the breeding ground and sponsor of a conveyor belt of Jihadi movements from Al-Qaeda onwards. <br />
A class analysis must also look at the class interests of the working class and how these can be achieved. From this perspective again we can establish that a successful “Arab Spring” – that is a bourgeois democratic revolution – is a highly unlikely outcome. There are few significant layer of the bourgeoisie in support of democracy. There are many in the middle class who would wish an end to endemic corruption and repression, but from the point of view of the majority of this layer the only viable mechanism for winning democratic reform is the sponsorship of the imperialist powers. When this sponsorship is not forthcoming the choice returns to military dictatorship, or feudal rule/the rule of the mullahs.<br />
The uprisings around the Arab spring were an outcome of spontaneous action by the working class and oppressed. After global defeats since the fall of the USSR the levels of self-organisation are low and there is no revolutionary party or movement to articulate a programme of socialism. However the task of building such parties, of articulating a programme of socialism, although enormously difficult, represents a line of march which is actually more realistic than one of tail-ending existing democratic consciousness.<br />
One does not have to go far to understand the inspiration that is to be gained from the democratic society that the Kurds built around Kobane and their heroic resistance to IS, but it should be clear that this inspiration does not translate into a mechanism for the overthrow of the edifice of imperialist power that dominates the region.<br />
Full mobilisation of the working class and oppressed, the building of unity between the Middle East and workers in Europe and the Americas, is required and that requires a revolutionary programme of the working class.<br />
<br />
<b>Solidarity</b><br />
<br />
From such a perspective the tasks of solidarity take on a new dimension. They are not motivated solely by humanitarian concern but are rather common tasks generated by our common role as members of the working class against a common enemy. In the present state of the working class organisations that task is primarily political.<br />
This was at the heart of the article by Trotsky from which comrade Sabado quotes. The mobilisation of workers in the imperialist countries was to be conducted in a flexible nuanced way which defended a hypothetical workers’ uprising in Algeria or Belgium in a concrete, specific way that defended that uprising by both allowing the transport of arms to the workers in revolt and by preventing the transport of weapons that would be used against it. The approach advocated by Danish socialists does neither. It is the equivalent of allowing the British government to transport weapons to ‘the Irish’ without for a moment thinking about the ways in which the British would defend their own interests.<br />
Trotsky‘s letter was directed against sectarian dogmatism, but the flip side of that is the kind of gross opportunism that allows imperialism to send weapons in to a zone they are engaged in and where they then control who the weapons are distributed to, with the cost that we concede to workers the possibility that imperialism can play a progressive role on the world stage.<br />
The idea that any current socialist movement can provide significant quantities of arms or money is fantasy. Movements such as the Kurds should arm themselves however they can by any means necessary. Part of our role is to warn that imperialism gives no-one a free lunch, to point to the open vetting of opposition groups in Syria in order to gradually construct client and puppet structures and to restrict arms so that the struggle is contained in a perspective of finding a compromise with the Assad regime.<br />
We also have a duty to workers in Denmark, France and so on. That is above all to open their eyes to the fact that the blood-drenched monsters that manoeuvre to deny rights to the workers of Palestine, Egypt, Iraq, Syria etc. are also the monsters who rule at home. To speak of the Danish or French governments as “our” governments is a criminal miseducation. To suggest that they should not intervene directly but can play a useful role through indirect intervention is a profound error.<br />
Michael Voss says his position is unusual. The unsigned author of the “analysis” says we must reject “hermetically sealed formula, which excludes fresh air” and use our imagination to see that the situation in Syria today resembles a conquest of state power by the proletariat in Belgium. François Sabado refers to the “ten cases out of a hundred” where the proletariat put a plus as does the bourgeoisie.<br />
These are all claims of exceptionalism. The writers are aware that there is existing Marxist theory that is in counterposition to their argument so they say that this situation sits outside the existing schema. The problem is that exceptionalism is the new normal – Brazil, Italy, Germany, Denmark, France, Lybia, Iraq, Syria – all are exceptions – all examples where popular fronts and revolutionary stages can be substituted for the methods of the transitional programme.<br />
Socialist Democracy asserts our opposition to this new normal. In the battle between jihad and military repression we see no need to rally around the flag of a “third democratic and progressive alternative” when our duty as socialists is to both assert our commitment to democratic rights while raising the flag of the working class and a socialist future.<br />
<br />
<br />Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-72067378832024091972014-06-29T13:25:00.000+03:002014-06-29T13:25:51.939+03:00Declaration of the Central Committee of OKDE-Spartakos (Greek Section of the 4th International) on the electoral result and the political situation - 31/5/2014<b>Social and political polarization</b><br />
<br />
In spite of the inevitably distorted way social formations and phenomena are reflected in the elections, the ones of May show clearly the constantly increasing polarization between capital and labor. At the same time, we can see the stabilization of a political geography characterized by two elevated wings close to approximately 40% each, the Left and the Right, and a weak and unstable centre.<br />
<br />
Social polarization is not directly reflected on politics. The Left, of course, is recording clearly its best results among employees, minor business owners and unemployed people, whilst the governmental block, especially Nea Dimokratia (1), are mainly supported by the bourgeois class and the employers, as well as an important part of the middle and higher rural social strata. The popular and working class districts that used to vote traditionally for PASOK have passed to SYRIZA. The middle strata are in conflict with the governmental block, so SYRIZA has taken the (borderline) lead there as well. The youth and long unemployed vote for the Left, while the older aged, who still hold important material relationships with the old-time political system and their favor, vote for the Right. On the other side, there is political polarization even inside working class and popular districts: the highest percentages of the Left come together with the highest ones of Golden Dawn (GD) and sometimes of the Independent Greeks (2). GD is recording its lowest percentages among employees and organized workers spaces (civil servants) and its peak is among employers and businessmen. Apart from these strata, GD also gathers young unemployed people and individualistic lower classes, showing that they can convert the anger and the disappointment of a part of the popular layers towards the reactionary direction of hatred against immigrants, the Left and the different or weakest ones, from a class point of view.<br />
<br />
The continuous crisis of the bourgeois political system is a dominant characteristic of the political scene, with its highlight to be the decomposition of the governmental block. Within two years, the government (including Democratic Left- DL ) (3) has lost more than 15% of the overall voters. The crisis has to do mainly with PASOK, who are celebrating that they lost only the 1/3 of their 2012 votes with their decision to participate in the European Parliament Elections as ELIA (4). PASOK collapsed for 40 to 8% within 5 years, due to the fact that the social compromise (always under the dominance of the capitalist class interests) on which they based their power for decades. The working class abandoned it massively, as it became obvious that PASOK is no more willing to do any sort of allowances towards the workers, even compared to ND. The biggest part of the voters and ex-members of PASOK turn to the Left, even in an unstable way with unclear intentions, although another part of it, which is mostly socially and politically ruined, turn to the far right.<br />
<br />
ND is mainly losing votes towards GD, although there are parts of their voters turning to the left, but obviously in a slower and more hesitant way in comparison to the ones of PASOK. ND continues to be the first choice of the national bourgeois class and their European allies. They have a more clear class functionality in comparison to PASOK and is bound to remain the basic bourgeois political point of reference in the future. This is the reason why, in spite of their 7% overall decrease, ND does not collapse. However, their mid-term perspective is not so favourable and the ruling class has to find alternatives.<br />
<br />
The hybrid formations that cannot enter the two political poles in a clear way are vanishing. DL’s crash was the outcome of their opportunism. Their leadership is interpreting the electoral result as a sign for a right turn and firm integration of their majority to the centre-left. The IG survive, but with severe losses, as the part of the bourgeois class that used to support them has turned back to ND, while their popular base is attracted by GD. Potami (5) recorded an important percentage, however did not achieve its declaration goal, which was for them to be the third party of the political scene and participate in the political life in the next period. The future of this newborn liberal centre-left formation is more than uncertain.<br />
<br />
An important aspect of the political crisis, of the crisis of the bourgeois parties and the social polarization is the victory of the minoritarian Party of Equity, Peace and Friendship in Thrace (Northern-Eastern Greece), as well as the fact that their candidates in a series of municipalities. The attachment of the Thrace minority on the ruling parties, especially PASOK, is no more, and the minority issue is returning in explosive terms on the political map. The historical and systemic oppression of the Greek State on the national groups of Turks, Pomacs and Thrace Rom can no longer stay in the shadows, although the media are doing their best to silence their yelling and given the indifference of the parliamentary left. The anticapitalist left cannot allow for nationalist propaganda on the issue, such as the rumors on the financial support of the Turkish embassy and government on the minority party, as this conceals the political essence, which is the oppression of the minority. It is not possible to organize actual political work in Thrace while ignoring the vote of Muslim people and without clear positions for their rights.<br />
<br />
As a result, it is clear that the system is not stabilizing itself at all, in spite of any governmental or EU declarations for the opposite. The rupture opened by the crisis and the big class confrontations is not closed at all, despite the relative stagnation of workers’ and social struggles during the last two years. The political situation of the days cannot be solved without important political and social confrontations, without confrontation between the block of the bourgeois power and the organized labor and popular movement. So, the political guidelines of offensive strategy chosen by the anticapitalist and revolutionary left during the period that followed the imposition of the memoranda are still valid.<br />
<br />
First of all, the need for the development of an overthrowing movement, a labor and popular uprising that will overthrow the government of Samaras-Venizelos, thus casting aside the illusions of SYRIZA’s motto “we vote on the 25th, they leave the 26th”.<br />
<br />
<b>Forces and limitis of the Left</b><br />
<br />
The victory of SYRIZA in the elections for the European Parliament as well as a series of municipalities of Athens has a big symbolic importance, as it discourages the bourgeois class and intensifies the crisis of their political hegemony. At the same time, the rapid social-democratization of SYRIZA, their often and warm meetings with the Association of Greek Industry Owners, the statements of R. Dourou on the EU grants, the agreement with ship-owner and alleged oil smuggler Mellissanidis of the construction of (his team) AEK stadium may show that under some conditions a part of the bourgeois class could trust SYRIZA, but these are not yet enough for the capitalists. Contrary to PASOK of the ʼ80’s, SYRIZA is not in the position to control the unions in a political and organizational way, which makes them less attractive in the eyes of the bourgeois class as a tool for class control. And of course, the bourgeois class has no reason to accept them so long as the pressure of the movement remains minor. So, the Greek capital did not welcome the victory of SYRIZA and they definitely did not welcome the decline of the electoral power of the government.<br />
<br />
However, neither the immediate political results nor the overthrowing potential of SYRIZA’s victory should be overestimated. First of all, the government does not face an immediate stability problem, as they have enough members of the parliament and under some terms they can even add to them some of the many “independent” members of the parliament (6). Although it is notable for a government to elect only the 1/3 of the European Parliament representatives, the elections result, especially the one of the regional elections, does not create to them an immediate survival problem. We voted against them on the 25th, but they didn’t leave on the 26th: the main motto of SYRIZA’s campaign was more of an electoral blackmail for gathering the vast majority of the anti-governmental votes than an actual plan.<br />
<br />
ND’s boast that SYRIZA surpassed them without achieving more votes or percentage is comical. However, it is a fact that a massive current for the left was not formed and the greatest part of the increase in left votes was directed to KKE and ANTARSYA. The middle layers do not abandon the governmental parties in an organized way and in a generally left-oriented direction, but show a tendency to disperse themselves in all directions, integrating into the far-right as well and allowing for the efforts to regroup the centre to survive. Thus, the general result of the elections cannot be described as a “turning towards the Left”.<br />
<br />
The political responsibility of the leaderships of KKE and SYRIZA for decelerating the social movement towards the Left is huge. During the previous summer, the workers’ movement had the chance to overthrow the government through the climax of their struggles. The decision of secondary education professors to strike during the exams of May 2013, despite the government’s Acts who forced them to work on legal terms and under the threat of massive layoffs, the workers’ uprising after the closing down of the public TV broadcast that forced DL to exit the government in June 2013, the second strike of the professors in September, the mobilization against public-sector layoffs during September and October and of course the antifascist explosion that followed the murder of Pavlos Fyssas, which offered the chance to link antifascism with the workers’ uprising, had created an explosive social concoction for Samaras and Venizelos. SYRIZA’ leadership kept a stance of expectation for the elections, while KKE’s leadership tactic of avoiding a climax of the movement so that does not benefit SYRIZA, thus allowing for the federation bureaucracy to declimax the struggle. The barrage of general strikes that the public TV workers needed never happened. The need of the antifascist movement for a national-wide antifascist strike was never posed by the unions.<br />
<br />
This is why the political polarization may be intense, but is increasing in a moderate tempo in the last months. This shows the limits of the enthusiasm caused to the workers and the oppressed the main part of the Left, SYRIZA, and their plan. SYRIZA was voted for in the European Parliament elections and in the Athens district county, that is in the elections that were seemingly more directly linked to the central political scene, but did not manage to mobilize people under the motto “three elections – one vote ” (7). Although they won the biggest county, they lost 11 out of 13 overall and managed to enter the second round of the elections only in two of them. Respectively, although they won in a series of municipalities in the different districts of Athens, in a series of other local elections their participation was a mediocre one. This phenomenon is not irrelevant with the survival of material relationships and reconciliations with local authorities, which re-increased after the allowance of the distribution of EU grants by the counties. In local levels the political system is seemingly much steadier than in a central level. But that is not enough to explain the inconsistency of SYRIZA’s electoral results. It is obvious that the vote to SYRIZA is considered by an important part of the popular layers as the least bad vote, no more than a tool to overthrow the government. The demands for SYRIZA are relatively low and the vote to them is not linked to an active orientation in the movement, as was clear in the pre-electoral period. The same person who votes for SYRIZA in the central elections may be supporting or even mobilize for KKE or the anticapitalist left in the counties, the municipality, his workers’ or student union. This means that the support of the working class and the oppressed to SYRIZA is not definite, class conscience is still fluid and constantly changing and the potential for the anticapitalist left still remains big – but this has to do with the policy they will follow.<br />
<br />
KKE is seemingly satisfied with their partial regaining of the lost votes of June 2012 (8) , as well as the victory of their municipal candidates in 4 big municipalities (9). KKE seems to resist the pressure, despite their sectarian and defeatist policy of their leadership, showing that the party still has important popular roots. Given the poor results in a series of peripheral elections, without the pressure of SYRIZA, the optimism of KKE’s leadership is not justified at all.<br />
<br />
In any case, the Left is in control of two counties and some important municipalities. This will definitely lead to important pressure for political adjustment to the level of the bourgeois parties through the need for managing the local authorities. The anticapitalist left has to keep the right to support any progressive act of the left municipal and county authorities and although they did offer a critical support in favor of the reformists in the second round of the elections, should not undertake the political responsibility of the administration of bourgeois institutions, or bind to support a priori any left mayor. In this point of view, the case of Chalandri (10) needs special attention.<br />
<br />
<b>Golden Dawn</b><br />
<br />
GD rise as the third party of the political scene, although expected by the polls, is a phenomenon which demands immediate and radical treatment. The nazi current has gained depth in the society, giving expression to petit-bourgeois rage and will for revenge, as they see their financial power declining and their links to the power and their traditional political representation to be cut violently, while their conservative traditions and individual situation does not allow for them to turn left. Sociologically, GD represents a league of businessmen and employers of all levels, as well as unemployed people and impoverished self-employed. Their emphasis is shown in the middle ages and the part of the youth that abandons education and does not enter the university, that is found more in the popular than the richer districts. In this point of view, GD is the agent of capital in the petit-bourgeois and lower classes.<br />
It is obvious that the legal accusations the government was forced to adopt against the Nazis, did give an important blow to the mechanisms of GD, but are not enough by themselves to cast the fascist danger aside. The strategy of “constitutional” or “democratic alliance” against the Nazis, that is the alliance with the government, the State and the police, who fostered the Nazis in a systematic way, is not only an illusion, not only binds the Left on bourgeois legality and renders it politically neutralized by making it a follower of the Right and Social-Democracy, but also tends to aid the Nazis show that they are truly the only political power that is against the political system.<br />
<br />
The rise of GD underlines the urgency for climaxing the antifascist activity. After all, it is the victories of the antifascist movement that did not allow for the fascist threat to thrive. GD was forced to an electoral campaign without offensive mottos and relatively fewer racist rhetoric, in relation to the past. They were incapable of making public appearances, or take their squads on the street. Their offensive activity was diminished to a few attacks, mainly against ANTARSYA. It is logical to assume that without the great antifascist movement of the autumn of 2013 that their electoral result would be even higher and they would achieve their basic electoral objectives, which were an overall percentage higher than 10% in the European Parliament elections and their candidate to enter the second round in the elections for the Municipality of Athens.<br />
<br />
Fascism cannot be treated with calls for the government and “justice”, or with positive statements for the voters of GD, who can no longer call upon their unawareness of the murderous nature of the organization. What we need is a united front of all workers’ organizations and left parties in action, with combative wide antifascist committees in every workspace and neighborhood, massive mobilization along with systematic antifascist propaganda in all levels. The anticapitalist left, which has shown very good reflexes at times, continues to carry the Stalinist tradition of undermining the duty of antifascist struggle, needs to lead a new round of assemblies, interventions and mobilizations that has to begin as soon as possible.<br />
<br />
<b>European Elections in the rest of Europe</b><br />
<br />
In a European level, the elections were marked by a similar, but not of the same size, decomposition of the bourgeois coalitions which imposed and managed austerity as a class offensive of capital against labor. Again the social-democrats are the parties under the highest pressure, however the European Popular Party has important losses, although they remain the first party of the European Parliament. The most impressive and dangerous issue is of course the rise of the far-right, who prove to be the first parties in France, Denmark and Austria and has neonazis elected in Greece and Germany. At the same time, the right-orientated euroscepticism of N. Farage wins the election in Great Britain. These currents manage to get anti-governmental votes, but also reflect a sharpening of national contrasts inside the EU framework.<br />
<br />
The left is benefited in few countries. In some cases (Spanish State, Portugal, Ireland, Czech Republic) the reformist left manages to achieve important results. On the left of reformism we note the case of PODEMOS in the Spanish State (where the section of the 4th International has one their member elected in the European Parliament,), the coalition against the EU in Denmark, with the participation of the Red-Green Alliance (11), as well as the election of a CWI section in Ireland. In general however, the vague character of these formations, the very bad result for the NPA and LO in France and the crisis of the British SWP reveal a crisis of the anticapitalist left, despite the important chances offered by the period. In this harsh environment, the discussion started between ANTARSYA and NPA is important, as these two collectivities carry the burden of regrouping the anticapitalist left in a European level.<br />
<br />
It is a fact that the position towards the EU was one of the most crucial political questions of the elections. The Left, a part of which is trapped in a pro-EU old-time shake eurocommunist strategy, tends to undermine the question. The explanation of a rise of the far-right as a consequence of the negligence of the Left to pose anti-EU questions and demands is too shallow and ignores the class basis for their political rise. The different examples of each country are, after all, quite contradictory: GD rose without anti-EU positions, while the long-lasting anti-EU tradition of the Danish Left did not prove to block the rise of the far-right. It would be even more arbitrary and biased to suggest that what the anticapitalist left actually lacks, in Greece and in other countries, is a direction towards national independence, especially at the point it has become clear that the Left has failed (willingly or not) to highlight the social, class source of crisis and austerity.<br />
<br />
<b>ANTARSYA and the anti-capitalist formations</b><br />
<br />
ANTARSYA took part in the elections being in a difficult position. First, because of an extraneous factor: the workers’ tendency to vote for ‘the lesser of two evils’, which in this case is SYRIZA, in order to cause the collapse of the government, a choice made not only in parliamentary elections, the second reason being on the inside of ANTARSYA, having to do with the bad mood and the political division within the coalition. Actually, the gap from the process of joining with Plan B (12), a strategic debate, hasn’t been narrowed neither before, nor after the elections.Regardless of this situation, ANTARSYA’s participation in the elections was independent, while a significant part of the coalition along with member –organisations disagreed, a fact that could have nothing but consequences. <br />
<br />
Additionally, in the previous period, ANTARSYA posed insufficiently and unsuccessfully at times the transitional programme that is necessary in the crisis. The one-sided manifestation of the EU and the euro currency issue, regardless of the political importance included in the inconsistency with these international capitalist and imperialist mechanisms, not only is programmatically vague, but proved to be unattractive as well. Overemphasis on leaving the euro and the EU doesn’t counterbalance the lack of slogans, on the one hand, such as pay rise and prohibition of dismissal that should be immediate and of demands that bring out the issue of power on the other. The slogan ‘‘power and wealth to workers’’ was only in the last poster and that not before the complaints of OKDE-SPARTAKOS. The workers’ control which was the centre point in the previous campaigns was now overshadowed. The anti-capitalist left cannot hope that a magical slogan will make people come close. On the contrary, it must promote all the axes of the transitional programme and the revolutionary plan with clarity and perseverance, particularly in a period that the working class is seeking overall answers.<br />
Nevertheless, in the elections for the regions and in some municipalities as well, the forces ANTARSYA, collaborating in some cases with other revolutionary and anti-capitalist organizations, had a very positive result. <br />
<br />
The 2,4% and the about 130.000 votes (30.000 more than in 2010) in the regional elections, show clearly that an anti-capitalist current is for the first time recognizable and of a wide range all around Greece. In spite of SYRIZA supporters’ opinion, it seemed that the working class is not frustrated with ANTARSYA because of not voting for SYRIZA in June 2012. Moreover, despite the disunion of the forces, the unwillingness of an ANTARSYA’s part to mobilize themselves and the delay of the election campaign, the experience we had was positive if we take into account our communication with the workers, the unemployed and the lower classes, the political discussions we had with them and the spread of the anti-capitalist Marxist views. The opinion that ANTARSYA is a sincerely militant and anti-systemic force which broad parts of these classes share, is favourable and the political attempt is more widely known than before.<br />
<br />
In municipal elections the picture was more complicated. In general, the point of view claiming that the formations characterized by grounding in local fights and a consistent participation in the movement are rewarded in the elections, is correct. In these particular circumstances, this was reaffirmed in some cases (Peristeri, Dafni) 13. However, in some other cases, electoral pressure was exercised on formations with important fights in the past, although they managed to elect delegates for the local councils again (Vironas, N. Smirni,Zografou) (13). On the other hand, several formations emerging for the first time, got very good results, although they had various different characteristics depending on the case. Actually, the factors defining each formation’s progress were even more complicated: not only the actual involvement in the movements, but the opponents’ ballot papers in the area, the situation in the inside, whether it had the support by the whole of ANTARSYA or not, whether they responded to existing local needs, regardless of the problems during their<br />
Creation (e.g. Nikaia) etc. Unfortunately, the battle for the municipal elections, although in some cases had very good results, wasn’t united. Every organization issued their own list of the formations to be supported, and sometimes these formations had absolutely no connection with ANTARSYA; just the title was unilaterally and unfairly used.<br />
<br />
In Giannena (14) and Patra (15), the forces of ANTARSYA not only voted for but also were in the opponents’ ballot papers. The battle for the heads of the formations, apart from having as an outcome the vast majority of the elected to belong to one particular organization, in several occasions ended up in a situation where half of ANTARSYA didn’t practically support its local formation. The most problematic phenomenon, however, was that in various cases, comrades and whole constituent<br />
organizations of ANTARSYA took part in SYRIZA’s ballot papers or officially co-operated SYRIZA (Mytilene, Halandri). Even so, however, the result of the municipal elections, especially in the region of Attiki (16) is favourable.<br />
<br />
Nonetheless, in the European Parliament Election, ANTARSYA, couldn’t hold but a small percentage of votes compared to those of the regional election, which is not interpreted only from the fact that there were a great deal of ballot papers. The result of 0.74% is not good, even if it is improved in comparison with the previous European elections and Parliamentary elections as well in June 2012. The way in which the anti-capitalist left will persuade the militants who join it in the movement to support its proposal in the elections too, when they choose the ‘‘useful vote’’ for SYRIZA to a great extent, is in question. The stabilization of ANTARSYA’s political influence in all levels is a real problem to be solved. However, it wasn not such a negative result so as to bring the future and the use of an independent front of the anti-capitalist left into question.<br />
<br />
<b>Joining (with Plan B) and perspectives of the anti-capitalist left</b><br />
<br />
Despite the several desires or scenarios over the plan of joining, which dominated the political debate of ANTARSYA during the last year, this plan is emphatically disproved. Plan B’s election campaign does not allow approaches. Alavanos chose a personalized campaign, with slogans that fall short not only of the necessary anti-capitalist transitional programme in a period of financial crisis, but of the negotiations during the previous time with ANTARSYA. Furthermore, this campaign could not have a chance in the elections. The unsuccessful negotiations concerning<br />
the joining had some cost for ANTARSYA. <br />
<br />
However, the cost ANTARSYA would have to bear, if the negotiations succeeded leading the coalition to take the political responsibility for Plan B, would be bigger. A possible reintroduction of the proposal for a new round of negotiations about the joining would be disastrous and disruptive. The political and programme prerequisites posed by the conference of ANTARSYA about the joining were examined and proved to be unreal. It is taken for granted that the unsatisfactory electoral result in the European elections will reintroduce points of view according to which the anti-capitalism is limited and requires a wider left front.<br />
<br />
The discussion about the programme and the pursuit of a proper revolutionary strategy today is not only rightful but essential too. The idea, though, that we need a moderate adaptation, a front intervening between the present ANTRASYA and SYRIZA or a political orientation <br />
not ‘‘closely anti-capitalist’’ any more would be absolutely wrong. The conclusion of the political advances is totally different: in the environment of a financial and political crisis which cannot be<br />
healed , in a situation of unstable and unsettled conscience and in a political correlation where the left realism and every reformative and managerial proposal is dominated by SYRIZA’s attempt, the duty of the revolutionary Marxists is to develop an alternative and distinctly anti-capitalist means. A means that will not refuse the militant unity in the streets, but it will preserve its political and organizational independence on the basis of an anti-capitalist programme and the revolutionary methodology and will prepare a minor but existing part of the workers and the repressed for the next stages, building the fights and the social resistance. <br />
<br />
ANTARSYA’s report on the elections must not be based on the criteria of ‘‘parliamentary cretinism’’ (this does not mean, of course, that the electoral results do not play any role at all), but mainly on the criterion of the political efficiency concerning the participation during the election campaign, the spread of the anti-capitalist ideas, the picture that the workers have about the front, the political bonds that were forged during this political experience, the possibilities for political initiatives that arose regarding the period after the elections. In the next period, ANTARSYA should immediately take political initiatives for the movement as well and fight practically against the parliamentary illusions which immobilize the workers’ movement in anticipation of the governmental change through the elections and paralyze its action today. In order to manage this, ANTARSYA must get rid of its own illusions too.<br />
<br />
Above all, ANTARSYA must build political relations with the militants who voted for it in the elections. The answer to the way in which ANTARSYA’s electoral influence will be stabilized lies in the transformation of its relation with the people from electoral to political, in people’s acquisition of the sense that ANTARSYA is the tool that they will use to take political action themselves.<br />
<br />
<b>OKDE-SPARTAKOS and the elections</b><br />
<br />
OKDE-SPARTAKOS took part in the political process of the elections actively, participating in the ballot for the European parliamentary election, for 8 regional and several municipal anti-capitalist slates as well. It did not intend to fill in the lists with candidates to boost its status as if there was a runway. On the contrary, it proposed particular comrades who were politically related to the elections and could be actively occupied with them. The picture of the candidates’ participation was positive. <br />
<br />
Although OKDE-SPARTAKOS stated its opinion about the content, the slogans and the heads of the slates wherever it had forces to interfere, and in some cases this opinion was strongly supported, OKDE-SPARTAKOS did not selectively support the slates of ANTARSYA. Whether its opinion outvoted or not, whether it had its own candidates or not and whether the heads of the slates were of OKDE-SPARTAKOS’ choice or not, the organization invested its forces, taking into consideration the limits of its potential, in the success of these lists. So, this enables us to criticize strongly the organizations and the members that did not have such an attitude.<br />
<br />
Finally, OKDE-SPARTAKOS, in accordance with ANTARSYA’s decisions, tried at the same time to propagndise its own particular views. These views about the progress of the class struggle, the duties of the anti-capitalist left and the perspectives of ANTARSYA will be stated in all the processes of the front as well during the next period.<br />
<br />
C.C. of OKDE-SPARTAKOS, 31/5/2014<br />
<div>
<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
<div>
<u>NOTES</u></div>
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<br /></div>
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(1): i.e. New Democracy, from now on ND<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-family: Calibri;"><span style="line-height: 14px;">(2): </span></span>Populist split of ND, anti –
memoranda rhetoric, looking into supporting a possible SYRIZA government. From
now on IG.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-family: Calibri;"><span style="line-height: 14px;">(3): </span></span>Dimokratiki Aristera – Democratic
Left is a right wing split from SYRIZA that joined the government from June
2012 to June 2013, when the government closed the public tv broadcast. Since
then they support critically parts of the governmental policies.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-family: Calibri;"><span style="line-height: 14px;">(4): </span></span>ELIA, i.e. Olive, symbol of the
social-liberal coalition of PASOK and splits of PASOK that participated in the
European Parliament elections as the Greek section of the European Democratic
Party.<o:p></o:p></div>
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(5): Potami, i.e River, is a newly-formed liberal party
controlled by media people and other well-known liberals who had no important
success in Greek politics so far.</div>
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(6): <span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; line-height: 115%;">More than 20 members of ND, PASOK and IG have split
from them after being elected in the elections of June 2012 and remain in the parliament
as “independent”. Their links to ND and PASOK mainly make them a good
“transfer” target for the two parties whenever some other members of their
parliamentary teams resign/split, so that the government keeps the 150+1/300
parliamentary members support. ND now counts 125 and PASOK 29.</span></div>
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(7): On May 18<sup>th</sup> there was the vote for counties
and municipalities and on May 25<sup>th</sup> the vote for the European
Parliament.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-family: Calibri;"><span style="line-height: 14px;">(8): </span></span>They rose from 4,5% (June 2012) to
6%, although they recorded an actual 8,5% in May 2012.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-family: Calibri;"><span style="line-height: 14px;">(9): </span></span>In Patra, Chaidari (western Athens),
Petroupoli (same), Ikaria.<o:p></o:p></div>
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;">(10): </span></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; line-height: 115%;">The Mayor elected comes from SYRIZA,
with members of ANTARSYA participating in the same municipal formation and
elected in the Municipal Council.</span><!--EndFragment-->
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(11): <span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; line-height: 115%;">Both formations scored around 8%.</span><br />
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<!--StartFragment--><!--EndFragment-->(12): a small organization set up by Alekos Alavanos in 2012, the former leader of SYRIZA that our comrades in ANTARSYA wanted to co-operate with.<br />
(13): all these are suburbs of Athens and municipalities as well.<br />
(14): (also: Ioannina) the largest city in Epirus; the 8th in Greece <br />
(15): the 3rd largest urban area in Greece; it lies in the northern Peloponnese</div>
<div>
(16): Attiki is the biggest region of Greece, where Athens, the capital of Greece is located.</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-13979038065651393292014-03-15T01:23:00.000+02:002014-03-15T01:23:15.608+02:00OKDE-Spartakos (Greek Section of the Fourth International): UKRAINE: BETWEEN FASCISM AND IMPERIALIST INTERVENTION At the end of 2013 we witnessed many anti-governmental demonstrations in the capital of Ukraine, Kiev, and in other cities. The centre of this movement was the Square of Independence (Maidan) in Kiev and the central squares of other cities. The movement was against the government of Victor Yanukovych and his U-turn regarding the pro-EU policy after the political pressure of Russia. This movement, due to the pro-EU elements and the name of the square Maidan, took the name Euromaidan.<br />
In the West, the media presented those demonstrations as a people's movement for freedom and stronger ties with the EU. There is no question that the government of Yanukovych was corrupted and unpopular after 3 years of imposed neoliberal policies. The main aim of most protesters was the fight against poverty, state corruption and oppression from Russian imperialism. The leadership of this movement was at the beginning in the hands of neoliberal right opposition, who falsely claimed that the stronger ties with the EU will bring democratisation. Later, the far right and the fascists groups took the leadership. As a consequence, the demands had not the slightest relation with the acute social problems in Ukraine.<br />
<br />
The demands and the political groups<br />
<br />
The demand for "freedom", under the flag of EU, was directly related to the Ukrainian-EU commercial treaty, which is not going to solve the crisis. On the contrary, this type of deal is against the Ukrainian economy. The treaty stipulates lifting of tariffs and barriers for the EU products and will destroy the Ukrainian heavy industry. That is the reason why many oligarchs are in dilemma. Those who control the industry, which is located on the east side of the country are looking for stronger ties with Russia, but those who control the commercial trade, the agriculture and the telecommunications are pro-West. This division on the ranks of oligarchs is in constant mobility. The political parties that control the leadership of Euromaidan are pro-West, like the party "Motherland" of Yulia Tymoshenko, an oligarch herself and an ex-President of the country. Tymoshenko was until recently in prison for corruption. The other party, UDAR ("Punch"), of the former boxer Vitali Klitschko, is considered to be a creation of the German Chancellor Merkel. The third party that played the main role in the events is the fascist . “Svoboda” (“Freedom”) whose leader is Oleh Tyahnybok. “Svoboda” is in coalition with the new-born "Pravy-Sektor” (“Right Sector"). "Right Sector" is the main force of the violent events with the police, and is controlling the paramilitary groups of "self-defence" who use pistols and rifles. Their slogans, such as "Ukraine above all", "One race, one nation, one motherland", "Down with the Jewish-Moscovite mafia”, eventually prevailed.<br />
The reasons that enabled the fascists to assume the leadership of the massive social movement are the following: the absence of a strong left movement, the coalition of the Communist Party with the government that makes left look like an undemocratic force with a neoliberal agenda supporting Russian imperialism. At the same time, Tymoshenko and Klitschko were trying to compromise with Yanukovych. The far right appeared to be the only militant and uncompromising force. By the time Yanukovych tried to have an agreement with the opposition by giving away the position of prime minister it was too late. The fascist paramilitary groups were in control of the streets. After a week of clashes with at least 80 dead, Yanukovych escaped in helicopter. Α new transitional government took place, with Yatseniouk, Tymoshenko’s “lieutenant”, and fascists in key ministries, such as the ministry of interior affairs, came to power.<br />
<br />
The "anti - Maidan" revolt in Crimea and in South and East regions, the Russian intervention<br />
<br />
From the first days of the victory of the opposition, many monuments of Lenin were destroyed and a pogrom against the political enemies of the new regime took place. The fascists destroyed the central office of the Communist Party; they attacked the office of the left group “Borotba” ("Struggle") which didn't support the Yanukovych government. Left wing activists received death threats. Additionally, in line with the new law against ethnic movements, the government imposed restrictions on the Russian language and on the languages of ethnic minorities. They also introduced heavy media censorship. Because of the fascistic terrorism, the ethnic minority groups in the south and east regions reacted with an "against Maidan" social movement with pro - Russia rhetoric. This movement already assumed control in the areas of Crimea, Harkovo, Donetsk and other cities. The Russian Duma voted unanimously to support the intervention of the Russian army in order to protect the Russian speaking minority in Ukraine. The situation is very tense. The US, EU and NATO are supporting the pro-West government and they are threatening Russia. So far the military conflict is not between Russia and the West but an internal conflict in Ukraine with the participation of Russian troops. This development is particularly negative for all Ukrainians regardless of the outcome. Many Ukrainians hate the pro-West government and their fascists' alliances, but Putin is only interested in promoting Russian imperialist plans in the region. A possible outcome is the independence of Crimea and some eastern Ukrainian regions and the unification with Russia. The rest of the Ukraine will be under the total control of the fascist groups that overthrew Yanukovych and they parade like heroes in the streets of Kiev. Even if they don't wrest full control (have total autonomy) from old corrupted politicians like Timoshenko, they will strongly influence the governmental policy and with their “storm troops” they will violently crush any social criticism. As for the national question, the problems will not only remain unsolved, but will deteriorate, since large minority groups will trapped I the "wrong side" of the border, in a similar way as we have seen in the former Yugoslavia. <br />
<br />
The Left<br />
<br />
Left and anarchist groups in Ukraine are quite small. Notwithstanding this fact, since the beginning of the mobilizations they tried to influence the situation. Left trade unionist and activists of "Borotba" camped in the square and distributed leaflets. Unfortunately, they have been violently attacked by the fascists. Similarly, anarchists have been attacked and repelled from the centre of events. It is our duty to promote the international solidarity of the working class against all oligarchs (pro-West and pro-Russian), against USA, EU, and NATO. The Greek left should be on the side of the Ukrainian people and support the Ukrainian comrades:<br />
<br />
•<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Against Russian military intervention and any imperialist intervention. Ukraine should not be a pawn in the geopolitical games of imperialists<br />
•<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Against the IMF financial assistance and its associated high social costs<br />
•<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Against nationalism and chauvinism. Workers, regardless of nationality, language, religion, and residence, have one and only enemy - the capitalists<br />
•<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Support the demands of ethnic and religious minorities of Ukraine, respect of their rights - including that of self-determination<br />
•<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Support common struggle of all workers in the east and in the west against the new far right government, the neo-liberal agenda and the fascistic gangs of "Svoboda" and "Right Sector"<br />
•<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Against the participation of the Greek government in the imperialist plans of USA and EU<br />
<br />
The Ukrainian people have nothing to gain from western or Russian imperialism or from fascistic gangs or the corrupted group of Yanukovych. All the above are just trying to exploit the Ukrainian people. Only the united working class and the class struggle can provide a solution to the problems of the Ukrainian people.<br />
<br />Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-29986187270550942012014-01-13T23:40:00.002+02:002014-01-13T23:40:49.073+02:00Manos Skoufoglou (OKDE-Spartakos): "The Intervention of the FI in Greece" <i>This article is a slightly updated version of an introduction made in the context of the Conference for the 75th anniversary of the Fourth International. The Conference was held in Mannheim in November 2013.</i><br />
<br />
<u>1. A few Historical Remarks</u><br />
<br />
In Greece, the Fourth International has a long history. There has always been a section of the FI in Greece since its foundation in 1938.<br />
<br />
In 1928, the “Spartakos Group” (publishing a journal bearing the same name) was founded as a left opposition within the Greek Communist Party (KKE). The leader of the Group was Pantelis Pouliopoulos the first Secretary of the KKE. The journal “Spartakos” published translations of the documents of the International Left Opposition in Greek and also genuine analyses of Greek capitalism. In 1934, militants largely originating from the “Spartakos Group” along with a group split from the Archeiomarxists (led by Michel Raptis – Pablo) founded the Organization of Communist Internationalists of Greece - OKDE.<br />
<br />
In 1938, OKDE was represented in the founding Congress of the FI, by Michel Raptis (Pablo). Just after the creation of the FI, OKDE became the Greek section. After WW2, following a Unification Conference in 1946 with other Trotskyist forces, the Communist Internationalist Party of Greece (KDKE) was founded and continued to be the Greek section of the FI till 1974. After the fall of the military dictatorship, in 1974, , KDKE turned again into OKDE, and finally, in 1986, following a split with forces that gradually moved away from the FI, our organization took its present name: OKDE-Spartakos (Greek section of the FI).<br />
2014 will mark 80 years of continuous presence of the Greek section of the FI in Greece. <br />
<br />
When the “Spartakos Group” was created in 1928, it included a number of the most important cadres of KKE, including, not only its first General Secretary, Pantelis Pouliopoulos, but also the first Secretary of the Communist Youth and the first Director or the KKE newspaper. Pouliopoulos, in particular, was a very important intellectual and a leading member of the communist soldiers' groups opposing the war against Turkey in 1922.<br />
<br />
In 1936, the Metaxas dictatorship was imposed on the Greek people followed by 9 months of war and then the Nazi occupation of the country till 1944. Due to the persecutions of the dictatorship of Metaxas (1936-1940) and later both by the Nazis and the Stalinists, the Greek section of the FI was nearly physically exterminated.<br />
<br />
Pouliopoulos himself was executed by a firing squad of Italian fascists in 1943, and this happened to other comrades. It is still a matter for historical investigation to identify the exact number of FI comrades that were executed or murdered by Greek fascists, Nazis and Stalinists in the period 1936-1945.<br />
The remaining comrades, having an analysis for an imperialist war, went on fighting both German and English imperialism, as well as the Greek bourgeoisie, under very difficult circumstances.<br />
<br />
The majority of the leadership of the Greek section, however, committed a major mistake, underestimating the importance of the demand for national liberation during the German occupation, and took a sectarian position against EAM (National Liberation Front – the resistance front). EAM was lead by KKE and its leadership followed a treacherous Peoples Front strategy of collaboration with the national bourgeoisie that resulted, in the end, in the defeat of KKE. But still, the movement it led was a genuine popular uprising with a revolutionary dynamic.<br />
<br />
Unfortunately, it was only the minority of the leadership of the FI section those days that took a non-sectarian approach to the EAM masses in accordance with the line of the European Secretariat of the FI. The choice of the majority of the leadership of the Greek section marginalized politically the Greek section for a decade.<br />
<br />
In the 1960's, under the leadership of those who were a minority in the late 40’s, KDKE was the biggest group to the left of KKE. Severe persecution during the military dictatorship (1967-74) had a negative impact on its dynamic. Many of our comrades were imprisoned or exiled. Despite this, our militants played a key role in the historical revolt of the Polytechnic School in 1973, especially in organizing the Workers' Assembly, and in 1974 (after the collapse of the military junta) our newspaper was the first one to be sold in the streets, long before the KKE newspaper appeared.<br />
<br />
<u>2. Our Politics Today</u><br />
<br />
Let's now proceed to our activity nowadays. OKDE-Spartakos, is a small organisation of around 100 members, located within a constellation of far left groups of a multiplicity of origins, as one can imagine.<br />
<br />
Despite our small size, we are active in several sectors of the mass movement:<br />
<br />
- in the trade unions, mostly through our participation in “Paremvaseis” (Interventions), the radical platform of the far left (ANTARSYA and others). In some sectors the “Paremvaseis” Platform has a very important influence: e.g. it leads many local unions of primary and secondary school teachers, (having played a key role in the recent secondary teachers strikes), it is the majority in many local Municipal workers' unions etc. It also has a considerable presence in some union federations, especially in the public sector. In the new Executive Committee elected at the most recent Congress of ADEDY (the National Confederation of Public Sector Employees), in November 2013, the “Paremvaseis” Platform has as many members as the KKE!<br />
<br />
- in the university students' movement, we are active in EAAK, the far left coallition of students with around 1000 members. EAAK has been leading every student mobilization since 1991. In the Students Unions elections, EAAK scores around 12% - 14% nationally, more than double compared to SYRIZA's students platform.<br />
<br />
- the antifascist movement is maybe the most successful sector of our work. This task has been underestimated for many years by the majority of the left, including the far left (and most of the organisations of ANTARSYA). OKDE-Spartakos has been working for a long time in local neighborhood antifascist assemblies, often along with anarchists, as well as in any attempt to coordinate all these initiatives. We have been supporting the proposal for a united front of all left and anarchist organisations in action against fascism, as well as the need to organise the social movement’s self-defence. We have played an important role in the campaign which managed to cancel the international Nazi camp in Greece this summer. Our practical work is complemented by the publication of books and pamphlets analyzing fascism from a Marxist point of view.<br />
<br />
As you know, there is a real fascist danger in Greece nowadays, with the rise of the Golden Dawn Neonazi Party. They have elected 18 deputies in the Parliament, polling more than 10%. The most important thing, they have organised local groups based on destroyed petit-bourgeois strata, on shop-owners hit by the crisis, on mafia capitalist circles and on unemployed youth sectors. They have started by attacking immigrants and later they moved further by attacking workers' organizations, leftists and anarchists. The recent murder of the antifascist hip-hop singer Pavlos Fyssas (Killah P) in September 18 2013 triggered big antifascist protests and a demostration against the Nazi headquarters. It is worth mentioning, that in the maximum height this movement, and I mean the 30,000 people demo marching on the Golden Dawn HQ in September 25 2013, ANTARSYA, despite all its previous contradictions, was the largest and the most significant actor, in contrast to SYRIZA whose contingent of a few hundred people preferred to attend a concert in Syndagma Square.<br />
<br />
- our section is one of the few organisations with a presence in the feminist movement, which is rather underdeveloped in Greece.<br />
<br />
- some of our young comrades are active in the network for the democratic rights of soldiers (in Greece there is still a conscription army)<br />
<br />
- some comrades are active in local urban movements, mostly in some districts of Athens<br />
<br />
- last year, we have founded an Institute in Athens, where seminars and discussions are held every weekend<br />
<br />
<u>3. Our work with Antarsya and FI supporters </u><br />
<br />
Since its foundation in 2009, we participate in ANTARSYA, an anticapitalist coallition founded on the basis of political and organisational independence from reformism.<br />
<br />
There has always been a whole range of organizations and militants to the left of the 2 reformist parties, the KKE (a stalinist party that currently follows a third-period, bureaucratic and ultra-pessimist line) and the Synaspismos Party (post euro-communist party, following a modern, left social-democratic line). Some of them decided to join the Synaspismos party into SYRIZA. Most of the others, having cooperated for a long time within EAAK and “Paremvaseis”, allied in ANTARSYA.<br />
<br />
ANTARSYA has 3000 members, mostly young people. It has failed to score more than 2% in regional elections and 1.2% in national elections, under the electoral pressure of the reformism of SYRIZA. It's real dynamic is bigger, though. ANTARSYA is visible on a national scale, it has led a considerable number of struggles and it has a remarkable presence in several unions. Its program is still quite vague and ambiguous, with several stalinist influences (that's why we would not consider dissolving the section in this front),, however it is clearly governed by revolutionary ideas and it consciously calls for a radical rupture with Capital, the bourgeois state institutions, the EU and all imperialist alliances.<br />
<br />
Apart from the section, in Greece there are also some other groups who affiliate in one way or another, with the FI.<br />
<br />
Kokkino is a small group originating mostly from the IST. They have permanent observer status in the FI. They participate in SYRIZA, supporting its Left Platform. Kokkino, in the process of the last SYRIZA Conference suffered a triple split losing half of its membership, which supported the majority Tsipras Platform. The Left Platform in SYRIZA is led by the bureaucracy of the Left Current of the former Synaspismos and supported also by DEA.<br />
<br />
DEA is a somewhat bigger organization, also a split from the IST (in fact Kokkino is a split of DEA). They don't have any formal status in the FI, but they have been invited to take part in the FI meetings as a guest since last year.<br />
<br />
Our relations with Kokkino are good. We have cooperated in the antifascist movement and in organizing two FI youth camps in Greece, but actually our organizational links are loose. The reason is that both Kokkino and DEA (DEA even more) are too much devoted to the work within SYRIZA and its platforms in the Unions. Despite critisizing the leadership of SYRIZA, they finally subordinate themselves to it. Let me give just one example: DEA refused to join the big demonstration against the Golden Dawn national headquarters in October, just because the SYRIZA leadership refused, in the name of “responsibility” and for the stability of the country.<br />
OKDE-Workers Strike, our old split in the 80's, adheres to to the Mandelist tradition, but does not have any real link to the FI any more. We somewhat cooperate in publishing books or documents of our historical current.<br />
<br />
<u>4. Our political Tasks</u><br />
<br />
You certainly know some things about the present situation in Greece, so I won't waste your time with data you can find in journals. The economic and political crisis in Greece is not at all resolved. We have now an extremely authoritarian and conservative government, by New Democracy and PASOK.<br />
<br />
What I would like to underline is that the situation is deeply contradictory.<br />
On the one hand, we are suffering continuous attacks by Capital and its personnel that suppress the living conditions, as well as the self-confidence of working people – on the other hand, they do so only at the cost of the loss of their hegemony.<br />
<br />
On the one hand, we have suffered continuous defeats, as the mass movement has hardly managed to prevent any austerity measures – on the other hand, new strata of the oppressed have gathered valuable experience for the future struggles, that will certainly come, as the system cannot re-stabilize.<br />
<br />
On the one hand, fascism threatens to divide and individualize the oppressed, terrorize and destroy their organisations – on the other hand, the fight against fascism may very well turn into a fight against capitalism itself.<br />
<br />
What are the reasons why we think we need an independent anticapitalist left in Greece, outside the CP and SYRIZA?<br />
<br />
First of all, we have to make clear that both those parties are incapable of offering a solution in favor of the workers' interests. SYRIZA has inspired hopes, when it came second in the national election of May and then June 2012. It has been always dominated by the reformist party of Synaspismos, however it has undergone a further social-democratic mutation as it got closer to government. Its program nowadays is something really close to Die Linke, and is actually far inferior compared to the PASOK program when it first won the elections in 1981. It is incorporating a whole range of former PASOK bureaucrats. It does not meet the criterion of independence from the bourgeois institutions, set by our International. Neither does it meet the criterion of internal democracy, as, by its last conference decision, it forced all organisations within it to dissolve.<br />
<br />
Our analysis is that SYRIZA is clearly using the mass movement to support its march to power, instead of using its perspective to gain power to support the mass movement.<br />
<br />
<br />
It is indicative the fact that they have betrayed the secondary school teachers strike twice in a few months: once in the spring, when their elected unionists in the federation cancelled a general strike voted for by the general assemblies because it was forbidden by the government and once more in September 2013, when they voted to end a new general strike 7 days after it started. They refuse to take part in the demonstrations against the Nazis’ headquarters, but at the same time they call all “constitutional” parties, including the governing New Democracy rightwing party which nurtured the nazis for all these years, to discuss about how to fight fascism all together. They are cooperating with the far right anti-memorandum party of the Independent Greeks. All this is quite obvious now. And the Kokkino comrades agree.<br />
<br />
[On 8 January 2014 SYRIZA gave a new proof of their political orientation. It was the day of the inauguration of the Greek presidency of the EU. The government and the police prohibited any demonstration on this day, which was something quite unprecedented. ANTARSYA called for a joint demonstration of all the left against the EU, the government and the authoritarian prohibition. SYRIZA denounced the prohibition, but just did nothing (and so did also the Left Platform, as well as the Communist Party). A demonstration of more than 1,000 people, most of them ANTARSYA members, actually happened, despite the prohibition, the police attacks and the boycott by the reformist left.] <br />
<br />
But still, the question can be asked, why not be an oppositional current within one of those parties, SYRIZA or the KKE? The reasons should be searched for in the concrete conditions of the class struggle in Greece.<br />
<br />
a. Greece is one of the countries most badly hit by the crisis in the word. There doesn't seem to be any way out, despite all the austerity measures and the collapse of every single welfare institution and public service. There are more austerity measures to come. 70% of the employees in the biggest universities are being fired, that's why we are now in the 11th week of a university strike. This is just the most recent example. In the face of the devastating effects of the crisis, we need to be more, rather than less, militant and aggressive, given also the high level of the struggles. There is no way out of the crisis in favor of our interests and needs within the framework of the capitalist rules and the bourgeois institutions. We need to attack, not to defend - this is our basic approach of the period.<br />
<br />
b. There is not a stable, historical link of the masses with the reformist leaderships any more. The support for SYRIZA is something unstable, not enthusiastic, a “lesser evil” tactic in the eyes of most of its supporters. Social consciousness is liquid and abrupt leaps are to be expected-this is the second pillar of our approach<br />
<br />
c. The idea of an independent anticapitalist and revolutionary left in Greece is not something fictitious. There is a really existing space of such militants, who have worked together in various collectives and unions for many years. This space would be autonomously expressed anyway - if we had joined SYRIZA, somebody else would have regrouped them.<br />
<br />
d. Based on the former remarks, we think that the problem in Greece is not a supposed re-stabilization of capitalism or a lack of combativeness of the masses, but a conscious subject that can organize the vanguard and offer a concrete revolutionary perspective. We have to work on this subjective factor, build it right now, and not count on objective factors and on estimations about the possible trajectories of reformism. If we are not independent, we can affect neither reformism nor the class struggle itself.<br />
<br />
ANTARSYA is still in a contradictory process. It is facing strategic dilemmas. It is an important tool, though. ANTARSYA has supported the secondary teachers up to the end. It plays a key role in the strikes in the universities now, as will do soon in the hospitals, were we have a lot of comrades. But the most important factor is this: ANTARSYA is not limiting its combativeness due to the restrictions posed by the parliamentary politics.<br />
<br />
As a conclusion few words about what to do:<br />
<br />
- We need a united front in action against capitalist attacks and fascism, in order to coordinate all social struggles, as each one separately, no matter how heroic, can't win (ANTARSYA is proposing such a front)<br />
<br />
- We need a united and independent anticapitalist and revolutionary left, able to propose a modern transitional program to overthrow capitalism<br />
<br />
- We need to maintain our distinct organization, the FI section, within such a front, as strategic questions, far from becoming obsolete, they are getting even more relevant today<br />
<br />
- We have to explain that no “left” government can offer a solution to workers and the oppressed. No former eurocommunist or social-democratic bureaucracy, not any renegotiation within the framework of the EU and the bourgeois institutions, no “national development plan” without the memorandum, but with the right of individual property intact.<br />
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If ANTARSYA had elected Deputies in the Parliament, we would consider a conditional vote for a left (SYRIZA) government. We wouldn't take part in it though. We would insist on saying that the only way out is massive struggles, self-organization and a revolutionary strategy.<br />
<br />
Since we don't have any deputies, we cannot just withdraw from the election, given that SYRIZA does not at all propose or accept a program similar to ours. ANTARSYA met SYRIZA after the May 2012 election, proposing some key demands which we consider indispensable, such as: break with the EU and the euro, cancel the debt, nationalize the strategic sectors of the economy without any compensation, worker's control etc. Obviously, they were rejected. Nevertheless, we still believe that it is absolutely crucial that somebody puts forward such an anticapitalist transitional program. We cannot sacrifice it in the name of an abstract “unity of the left”, which practically means tailing behind reformism. <br />
<br />
We use the slogan for a workers government, but we have also to keep in mind what the Transitional Program says:<br />
a. The eventuality of a real workers government (i.e. a government genuinely in favor of workers' interests) within a bourgeois state is extremely improbable, even though not impossible<br />
b. In any case, we need an independent organization of revolutionary Communists in order to have any influence in the developments that such a government would provoke (so, not fuse in the governing party).<br />
<br />
Contrary to a stageist approach, which claims that a “simple class” (i.e. reformist) consciousness is a necessary stage we have to go through before being able to speak about a revolution, our task today is to construct both class and revolutionary consciousness simultaneously. Revolution may seem impossible to the majority of the working class, but it is reform what is objectively impossible.<br />
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Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-45592800208071972552013-12-18T17:11:00.000+02:002013-12-18T17:11:18.272+02:00DECLARATION DE CONSTITUTION DU CURRANT “ANTICAPITALISME ET REVOLUTION” – NPA<strong><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial-BoldMT","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial-BoldMT; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">(</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial-BoldMT","serif"; font-size: 10pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial-BoldMT; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EL;">Déclaration adoptée à la
réunion nationale de constitution du courant le 1er décembre</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial-BoldMT","serif"; font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial-BoldMT; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EL;">)</span></strong><br />
<strong><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial-BoldMT","serif"; font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial-BoldMT; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EL;"></span></strong><br />
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial-BoldMT","serif"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial-BoldMT;">1. Une situation
contradictoire : offensive des bourgeoisies, luttes de masse à l’échelle
internationale, résurgence du réformisme et de l’extrême droite<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Face à une crise mondiale qui se poursuit sans
perspective de solution, et à des bourgeoisies qui tentent partout d’en faire
supporter le poids aux classes populaires, les travailleurs et les peoples ne
restent pas sans réagir. Le processus révolutionnaire en Afrique du nord et au
Moyen-Orient se poursuit, et s’étend à de nouveaux Etats. De très grandes luttes
touchent un nombre de pays croissant, sur tous les continents (de la Turquie au
Brésil, de la Bulgarie au Bangladesh…). Le socialisme n’est toujours pas redevenu
une idée crédible pour la grande majorité de ceux qui luttent, ce qui pèse sur
les différents mouvements, mais n’empêche pas que la situation donne pour les
anticapitalistes révolutionnaires une nouvelle actualité aux questions stratégiques,
à la question du pouvoir des travailleurs et de la révolution. On assiste à l’expression
multiforme d’une révolte qui est mondiale.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">En même temps force est de constater que les pays
centraux de l’Union européenne </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">(Allemagne, France, Italie, Royaume-Uni) échappent
pour l’instant à cette dynamique </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">internationale. On y assiste même à une dégradation
assez générale et qui tend à s’accélérer au niveau des organisations qui se réclament
du mouvement ouvrier, du rapport de forces entre les classes comme du niveau de
conscience au sein même du monde du travail. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Pour l’instant les classes dominantes</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">parviennent à imposer des reculs considérables</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">pour la classe ouvrière en Europe.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Cette situation des luttes et des rapports de</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">classes peut changer rapidement comme elle</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">peut s’installer durablement. La possibilité pour</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">le NPA de faire face à la crise qu’il connait,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">comme la construction d’un courant en son sein</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">qui y contribue efficacement, dépendent pour</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">une bonne part de notre capacité à faire face aux</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">aspects contradictoires de la situation et à y</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">apporter une réponse politique plus approfondie</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">et plus homogène que par le passé.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Dans ce contexte deux phénomènes politiques,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">en partie nouveaux, sont apparus ces dernières</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">années en Europe. Le premier est la montée de</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">l’extrême droite (dans différentes variantes,</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">depuis des partis nationalistes populistes jusqu’à</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">des formations ouvertement fascistes) qui</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">s’explique par la crise économique, l’ampleur des</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">attaques de la classe dominante et les nouveaux</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">reculs dans le rapport de forces. Le second, la</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">réapparition ou le renforcement de partis et</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">coalitions réformistes antilibéraux, clairement</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">différents du social-libéralisme même si, de par</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">leur politique institutionnelle, leurs liens avec les</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">directions syndicales ainsi qu’avec l’Etat, ils</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">collaborent à divers niveaux avec les partis</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">socialistes.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">En France, l’installation du Front national
dans le</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">paysage politique, comme son influence dans
les</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">milieux populaires, sont en train de franchir un</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">nouveau cap. Par son passé qui se reflète</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">encore dans la composition de son appareil</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">dirigeant, comme par les liens qu’il continue à</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">entretenir avec divers groupuscules, le FN reste</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">potentiellement une organisation à partir de circonstances un parti de
type fasciste. Mais pour l’instant, le principal danger réside dans sa capacité
à exploiter le désarroi qui existe profondément dans les classes populaires
face à l’absence de perspective collective d’émancipation, bien plus que dans
sa capacité à enrôler une petite bourgeoisie prête à en découdre avec les
organisations du movement ouvrier, ou à exprimer les intérêts d’une classe capitaliste
qui a pour l’instant bien d’autres cartes </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">en main pour maintenir la paix sociale. Reconstruire
une perspective d’émancipation, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">changer les rapports de force entre les
classes sociales, permettre tout simplement au monde du travail de renouer avec
des victoires même partielles sur le terrain de la lutte de classe sont des objectifs
essentiels à cette étape. Dénoncer le «fascisme» ou prétendre interdire
l’apparition d’un parti qui ne serait pas « comme les autres » ne </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">permet pas aujourd’hui de combattre la montée de
l’extrême droite. Par contre il faut chercher à construire à chaque fois que
c'est possible une riposte militante et unitaire contre l'extrême droite.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Face à de possibles succès électoraux, c’est d’abord
le caractère bourgeois, anti-ouvrier et raciste de ce parti, aspirant à bien
s’installer dans les institutions et facilement corruptible, comme il l’a
montré dans un passé récent, que nous devons dénoncer en priorité.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">La résurgence du réformisme a pris la forme du
Front de gauche, lancé au moment même où le NPA était fondé. Très vite, dans
une situation qui nous était plus défavorable, nous en avons subi la pression
et cela a conduit notre parti à subir </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">plusieurs scissions, la dernière en date ayant
impliqué un secteur central de son ancienne direction.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial-BoldMT","serif"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial-BoldMT;">2. L’évolution de
l’orientation majoritaire justifie la formation d’un </span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial-BoldMT","serif"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial-BoldMT;">courant<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">La rupture avec la GA, la campagne Poutou ont
maintenu une separation organisationnelle avec les réformistes. Cela n’a
pourtant pas permis de clarifier l’orientation du NPA.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Même si différentes orientations cohabitent au
sein de la nouvelle majorité constituée après les présidentielles de 2012,
celle-ci a repris à son compte, à travers le mot d’ordre de « gouvernement anti-austérité
», la politique du « front social et politique », conçu pour l’essentiel comme
une démarche permanente d’interpellation, discussion et recherche d’accords
politiques avec le Front de gauche. Ainsi, aux difficultés réelles de la
situation objective s’ajoute une crise d’orientation </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">persistante.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Le but politique de notre parti, la revolution
socialiste, implique une politique de front unique adaptée. Le front unique
revêt une double dimension. La première est la dimension stratégique : c’est l’unité
de millions de travailleurs qui permettra de s’opposer à la bourgeoisie. Nous
proposons l’unité d’action à toutes les forces du mouvement ouvrier, de la base
au sommet, pour agir sur des échéances ou des questions précises quel que soit
leur positionnement par rapport au gouvernement.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Le critère déterminant pour l’unité est qu’elle
permette la mise en action de notre camp social dans l’optique de gagner sur
des revendications immédiates, de permettre de reprendre confiance dans nos
propres forces, de favoriser l’auto-organisation et la possibilité de dépasser les
organisations existantes et les appareils syndicaux. Pour autant, nous ne nous
alignons pas sur leurs positions : nous menons les batailles nécessaires sur
les mots d’ordre et la stratégie militante, y compris en organisant les participants
contre la politique de ces directions.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">De plus, il faut parfois savoir agir seuls,
prendre des initiatives lorsque l’action avec les réformistes est impossible. A
tous les niveaux, nous favorisons toutes les formes d’auto-organisation, des
comités de grève et de lutte, des coordinations, dans la perspective de prendre
le contrôle de toute la société, ce qui suppose pour </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">les exploités et les opprimés de commencer par
contrôler leurs propres luttes.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Nous ne partageons pas l’orientation des «
gouvernements contre l’austérité » et de la priorité au débat public avec «
toutes les forces qui ne participent pas au gouvernement ». Pour autant, c’est
l’objectif d’un parti de poser la question du pouvoir. Mais on ne peut pas réduire
la question du pouvoir à une réponse en termes de gouvernement.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Le « gouvernement des travailleurs » dont nous
défendons la nécessité, un gouvernement dont l’objectif est de remettre en
cause le droit des capitalistes à diriger la société, ne pourra pas résulter de
combinaisons parlementaires dans le cadre des institutions bourgeoises. Il ne
pourra surgir que d’un grand mouvement de </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">mobilisation et d’auto-organisation des
travailleurs et de la jeunesse (grèves de masse, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">grèves générales, manifestations, occupations,
réquisitions...), d’un double pouvoir, d’un « nouveau Mai 68 qui aille jusqu’au
bout ». Nous mettons donc en avant le mot d’ordre de gouvernement des
travailleurs/euses comme mot d’ordre transitoire en partant des luttes pour aller
vers le renversement du capitalisme. Il s’agit de répondre à la question « que
feriez-vous à la place de Hollande ? » ou encore d’expliquer en </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">quoi notre démarche est différente de celle
des partis du FdG. Notre réponse s’articulerait donc autour de deux points :
les mesures transitoires que prendrait un tel gouvernement (interdiction des
licenciements, réquisition des entreprises qui ferment ou licencient,
réquisition des banques, etc.) et la base à partir de laquelle pourrait émerger
un tel gouvernement : la nécessaire auto-activité des masses travailleuses. »<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Mais défendre cette perspective de façon
effective, pratique, implique aussi de mettre notre implantation et notre
intervention en rapport avec elle et, au-delà, avec notre objectif stratégique
de la prise du pouvoir par les travailleurs. Or la majorité du congrès ne s’est
pas donné les moyens d’une réelle priorité d’intervention et de construction, notamment
celle qui est indispensable en direction des entreprises et de la jeunesse.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Lors du congrès du NPA de février 2013, la
plateforme Y a porté principalement deux batailles, à nos yeux essentielles pour
le NPA et son intervention dans la lutte des classes. D’une part, celle pour
l’indépendance politique des anticapitalistes révolutionnaires, avec la volonté
d’ancrer l’intervention et la construction du NPA dans les entreprises et dans
la jeunesse. D’autre part l’approfondissement </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">d’une discussion sur le bilan du NPA et notre
projet de parti, qui a fait l’objet d’un </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">texte alternatif. Près d’un tiers (32 %) des
militants du NPA ont alors soutenu nos positions sans qu’il y ait eu ensuite,
de la part de la majorité, la moindre volonté de nous associer autrement que
sur la base d’un ralliement pur et simple à sa propre politique.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">C’est parce qu’à l’issue du congrès nous ne voyions
pas de possibilité d’amélioration sans la poursuite et le renforcement d’un
combat politique organisé que nous avons alors décidé, non seulement de ne pas
dissoudre la PY, mais d’explorer la possibilité de transformer cette plateforme
en un courant interne, en lui donnant – sur une durée nécessairement indéfinie
– plus de coherence et de moyens d’intervention.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">L’évolution, depuis le congrès, du NPA et de
sa direction confirme l’analyse que nous avions formulae et la perspective que
nous avions tracée. La crise d’orientation et de direction se poursuit et
s’approfondit, tandis que continuent à cohabiter au sein du NPA plusieurs
projets de parti don’t celui, majoritaire, de « rassemblement de tous l</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">es anticapitalistes ». Cela entretient une
grande confusion qui s’est également exprimée au travers du vote pour la PW,
allant jusqu’à remettre en cause l’utilité même d’un parti fonctionnant sur des
bases centralisées. A tel point que les différentes orientations qui cohabitent
au sein de la majorité finissent par empêcher celle-ci de jouer son rôle de
direction.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">L’illustration la plus claire en est donnée
dans la préparation des élections municipales : la variété de listes impliquant
le NPA (anticapitalistes indépendantes, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">communes avec le PG et/ou d’autres secteurs du
Front de gauche, communes avec le Front de gauche dans son ensemble en général sous
la direction du PCF) donne lieu à une cacophonie dans le cadre de laquelle même
la ligne officiellement votée devient inaudible. Les accords locaux d’ores et
déjà passes avec le Front de gauche, dans des villes significatives, ne font
que cautionner sa stratégie et sa politique. Au lieu d’agir sur les
contradictions des réformistes, ce sont encore une fois les réformistes qui
agissent sur nos faiblesses. Le conseil politique national et le comité executive
continuent à passer plus de temps à discuter de la politique dite « unitaire »
avec le Front de gauche qu’à orienter les tâches d’intervention dans la lutte
de classe et de construction de parti. Sans pour autant traiter, sauf de façon
très ponctuelle et superficielle, des grandes questions qui sont posées aux
travailleurs et aux révolutionnaires au niveau mondial, européen et national.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial-BoldMT","serif"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial-BoldMT;">3. Un désaccord
stratégique qui a des conséquences politiques et pratiques<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Mais ces désaccords vont au-delà des questions
de simple tactique. Le mot d’ordre de «gouvernement contre l’austérité »,
compris comme</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;"><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">le prolongement d’une « opposition de gauche » </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">qui se construirait face à Hollande-Ayrault,
découle en effet d’une hypothèse stratégique erronée. Pour en comprendre la
portée, il faut faire un détour par la Grèce, où la direction de la IV° Internationale
défend un mot d’ordre similaire, celui de « gouvernement des gauches », et surtout
explique qu’un tel gouvernement pourrait </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">être une « transition possible » vers une
transformation radicale de l’économie et de la politique.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Dans le même sens, la résolution adoptée
majoritairement au congrès et défendue par les camarades de la position X
déclare que : « la proposition de gouvernement de la gauche unie, de ‘‘salut
social’’, pourrait être un premier pas vers la réorganisation du pays sur une
base anticapitaliste.»<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">On rejoint ici l’hypothèse stratégique qui a
été formulae de manière plus systématique par des camarades de la Gauche
anticapitaliste et que l’on peut résumer ainsi : dans les pays capitalists avancés,
la rupture avec le système passera par une combinaison de mouvements de masse
et de victoires électorales.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Cette hypothèse est erronée : loin d’être des points
d’appuis pour une transformation révolutionnaire de la société, les
gouvernements de gauche « radicale » ou des gauches, avec à leur tête des
organisations réformistes, se sont toujours avérés être tôt ou tard des
obstacles que les travailleurs ont trouvé dressés face à eux. Une démarche tactique
est nécessaire vis-à-vis de ces organisation dans le but de leur disputer leur
influence et leur audience, mais les anticapitalistes ne pourront en aucun cas
faire l’économie d’une rupture avec elles. La question de la rupture ou des ruptures
au sein du front unique est pourtant esquivée par les camarades de la majorité,
au profit d’une vision stratégique linéaire : le gouvernement anti-austérité
dans le prolongement de l’opposition de gauche, la reorganization du pays sur
une base anticapitaliste dans le prolongement du gouvernement des gauches. Une
telle orientation relativise le fait que seules la mobilisation et l’auto-organisation
des salaries pourra modifier le rapport de forces et ouvrir la voie à un
gouvernement représentant leurs intérêts, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">dans une dynamique qui ne peut être que de
renversement du système capitaliste. C’est pourquoi nous maintenons le choix
d’une orientation indépendante, dans laquelle la construction d’une alternative
révolutionnaire, pour un gouvernement </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">des travailleurs ouvrant la voie au socialisme,
s’appuie sur des tactiques de front unique pour et dans les luttes, qui
n’impliquent nul accord politique – encore moins de gouvernement – avec les
réformistes antilibéraux.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">C’est une hypothèse qui est également
potentiellement lourde de conséquences quant au type de parti que nous
souhaitons construire. En effet, si les victoires électorales sont une des
clefs de la rupture avec le système, alors il faut construire des organisations
taillées pour les élections. Le rapport sur la situation en Europe présenté
lors du Bureau exécutif de la IV° Internationale en octobre 2012 déplore
d’ailleurs l’incapacité à court terme des organisations anticapitalistes « de
se transformer en puissant référents électoraux, à un moment où ceci est plus
nécessaire que jamais<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">devant l’avancée des politiques d’austérité ».
De là à conclure que les anticapitalistes et les révolutionnaires doivent pour
devenir ces référents rejoindre des organisations ou coalitions plus larges,
incluant des courants ou partis réformistes, il n’y a qu’un pas. Un pas qu’ont franchi
les camarades de la GA, et que franchit d’ailleurs le rapport cité ci-dessus :
« c’est pour cela qu’il faut placer la construction d’organisations anticapitalistes
et révolutionnaires dans le cadre de la perspective plus ample de construction de
nouveaux outils politiques unitaires… »<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">Nous devons au contraire avancer dans la
construction d’une forte organisation marxiste, anticapitaliste et
révolutionnaire, d’autant plus susceptible de mener une politique unitaire audacieuse
et ouverte sur les autres courants, qu’elle sera capable de définir en son sein
une orientation cohérente et largement partagée à l’échelle de tout le parti.
Un parti centré sur l’intervention dans la lutte de classe, intervenant prioritairement
dans la classe ouvrière (classe des salariéEs exploitéEs) qui est la seule à
pouvoir mener un processus révolutionnaire vers le socialisme, donc avant tout
dans les entreprises, ainsi que dans les lieux d’étude où se concentrent les travailleurs
en formation. Ce qui ne signifie pas que des terrains tels que les luttes </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT;">féministes, écologistes, antiracistes
devraient être délaissés, mais que sur ces terrains aussi, c’est l’intervention
des travailleurs et travailleuses qui sera décisive. Un parti qui, pour gagner
en force et en efficacité, devra faire l’effort d’offrir à ses militants une
véritable formation marxiste.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">Un parti qui soit
également pleinement internationaliste, pas au nom simplement d’une solidarité morale,
mais sur la base de la conscience que la révolution socialiste ne peut être qu’internationale,
donc nécessite une construction politique internationale. Les principes
fondateurs adoptés en 2009 se concluaient par l’affirmation selon laquelle « le
NPA engagera le dialogue et des collaborations politiques avec les autres
forces anticapitalistes et révolutionnaires dans le monde </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">dans la perspective de
la constitution d'une nouvelle Internationale. » Une telle perspective reste juste.
Des membres du NPA sont aujourd’hui membres d’une association, commune avec la GA
et C&A, adhérente de la IV° internationale.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">De nombreux liens
existent par ailleurs, via les RIJ en particulier. Mais les rapports du NPA
avec la IV°, comme avec les autres regroupements révolutionnaires internationaux,
ne sont pas pour l’instant maîtrisés collectivement, ni par le parti ni </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">par ses instances. Il
nous faudra, dans la perspective du prochain congrès, ouvrir ce débat et plus
généralement celui de la construction d’une Internationale.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial-BoldMT","serif"; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial-BoldMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">4. Un courant pour changer le NPA, son orientation et sa direction<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">Le courant que nous
constituons se donne pour objectif, à partir des acquis de la plateforme Y, un changement
global de l’orientation du NPA dans le sens précédemment indiqué, ce qui
implique aussi de redéfinir ce que devrait être le projet du parti dans la
période actuelle.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">Dans le même temps,
nous continueront bien évidemment le travail de construction à toutes les échelles
du parti. Le courant doit nous servir à être plus efficaces, doit être un outil
pour l’intervention des militants, notamment autour de nos priorités : action dans
les comités, structuration des branches, formation, construction dans la
jeunesse </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">et la classe ouvrière…
Nous affirmons que la constitution de ce courant signifie aussi </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">fortement notre attachement
au NPA, à sa construction et à la solidarité fraternelle et politique de
l’ensemble de ses camarades.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">Un tel changement
passera évidemment par l’émergence d’une nouvelle direction. Nous savons que
cela ne proviendra pas d’un grossissement linéaire de notre seul courant
politique mais impliquera des recompositions internes, notamment avec des
secteurs de la direction qui aujourd’hui cohabitent dans la nouvelle majorité.
Nous sommes également conscients que cette bataille politique n’aboutira pas nécessairement
dès le prochain congrès, et devra alors être poursuivie à plus long terme.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">Nous nous organisons
aujourd’hui pour contribuer à un tel processus et le faire déboucher demain. Cette
bataille pour l’émergence d’une nouvelle direction passera à la fois par des demonstrations
militantes, la formulation et la défense quotidienne d’une autre orientation et
par le fait de mener des débats stratégiques dans le parti.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">Nous chercherons à
nourrir le débat concernant les moyens de la prise du pouvoir par les
travailleurs en prenant appui sur les acquis du marxisme pour les confronter
avec les experiences des luttes et des soulèvements actuels dans les
différentes régions du monde. Dans le même temps, et en vue du même objectif, nous
nous efforcerons d’aider concrètement les comités (ceux où nos camarades sont présents,
comme les autres) à développer leur intervention et à formuler leur politique
dans la lutte de classe.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">Le nouveau courant
prend officiellement naissance les 30 novembre et 1</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 7pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">er </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">décembre
2013. En sont membres tous ceux qui se reconnaissent dans les textes de la PY
du dernier congrès, dans la présente déclaration.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">Le courant est dirigé
par ses membres qui le représentent au CPN. Pour son intervention au quotidien
dans la vie du NPA, il se dote d’une équipe d’animation nationale. Celle-ci, en
lien avec la représentation du courant au CPN, sera responsable de l’organisation
de réunions périodiques, nationales et régionales, de la liste de diffusion et
de la publication de ses positions et élaborations à travers une revue et/ou un
bulletin.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">Ces matériels n’ont
pas vocation à remplacer les publications du NPA mais à être un outil pour mener
les discussions sur les orientations que nous défendons dans le parti et dans
nos milieux.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: ArialMT; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: ArialMT; mso-fareast-language: EL;">Cette équipe d’animation
sera élue lors de la reunion nationale de constitution et rééligible à chaque
nouvelle réunion nationale. Elle pourra, en cas de besoin, être renforcée sur
décision des membres du CPN.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;">
</span></span><br />
<strong><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Arial-BoldMT","serif"; font-size: 9pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial-BoldMT; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EL;"></span></strong>Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-61148272281149752082013-09-11T01:50:00.002+03:002013-09-11T01:50:44.885+03:00Manos Skoufoglou (OKDE-Spartakos): "THE TRANSITIONAL PROGRAM AND THE TOOLS TO OVERTHROW CAPITALISM"<br />
<b>Introduction</b><br />
<br />
When we say that we are in the middle of a deep historical crisis of capitalism, we have to take it seriously. We have entered a completely new period, so it should be clear that we cannot go on doing “business as usual”:<br />
<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>we have already experienced massive strikes, revolts, even revolutionary situations in various countries: in the Arab world, in Asia (Kyrgyzstan, Thailand etc), in Greece, Turkey and Bulgaria, in the core of the developed countries (like the riot in London in 2011), but also in the so-called emerging economies, which were supposed to be the new miracles of capitalist development (Brazil, S.Africa). On the other hand, the left, in practically every case, has proved unable to offer a solid perspective on how to overthrow capitalism. Nevertheless, this is exactly what anticapitalist organizations and revolutionary Marxists should be prepared for, not in the distant future, but now.<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>this brings to the forefront the urgent question of what a contemporary revolutionary strategy should be like. What kind of party, what type of program, what means of struggle, what attitude towards bourgeois institutions and the state?<br />
<br />
I will try to point out that the transitional program is an important tool in this project, a tool which is interconnected to many other key strategic issues.<br />
So, what is a transitional program? It is a set of demands supposed to be a bridge between the present level of workers' consciousness and the revolution, i.e. the seizure of power by the working class. A series of demands or tasks that is necessary in order to meet the needs of the working class, but at the same time it is incompatible with capitalism in its development. Starting from simple, elementary needs, one demand leads to the other. For example, if the working class refuses to pay off the public debt, this can only mean that the debt has to be canceled (no matter what “renegotiating” illusions may still exist). In its turn, this means that banks should be nationalized under workers control, so as to prevent big investors from withdrawing their money and provoking a massive crackdown. This would already be a challenge to private property, which the bourgeois class would not tolerate, most likely boycotting production. In order to confront such a situation and meet the needs of the masses, nationalization of key sectors of the economy, without compensation, and a democratically planned economy would be needed. But this would not be capitalism any more. This reflection may be still too much schematic and abstract, but it is nevertheless indicative of the transitional program method. In other words, a transitional program is a way to link the existing, partial struggles to an actual revolution.<br />
<br />
<b>A historical retrospect</b><br />
<br />
1.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The first time that we have something like a transitional program is probably in the Communist Manifesto, issued by Marx and Engels in 1948. In the chapter Proletarians and communists, the authors of the manifesto propose a set of 10 demands:<br />
<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public purposes.<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Abolition of all right of inheritance.<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands of the State.<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State; the bringing into cultivation of wastelands, and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Equal liability of all to labor. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equable distribution of the population over the country.<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children’s factory labor in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production<br />
<br />
These demands are not defined by the term transitional, however they are meant to start from the immediate needs of the exploited and the oppressed and end up to workers' power, although Marx and Engels had not made it clear yet what workers' power and a workers' state would be like (they would be able to tell only after the experience of the Commune of Paris in 1871).<br />
<br />
2.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In the following years, the program of Marxist parties gradually degenerated. This is reflected in the critique that Marx and Engels wrote against the German social democratic programs of Ghotha (1875) and Erfurt (1891) respectively. The Erfurt program, actually, introduced the distinction between a “political program” for socialism and an economical one, for immediate use.<br />
3.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Despite Marx's and Engels's warnings, the program of the leading parties of the 2nd International eventually split into 2 parts, with a very loose or no connection to each other: a minimum program of immediate demands, which is supposed to be what workers can achieve at this stage, and a maximum program for socialism, which was something to be postponed for the far future, when conditions mature. This also meant a split between economic struggles, i.e. struggles for the every day life conditions of the working class under capitalism, which were meant to be addressed by unions, and political struggles that were the responsibility of the party. According to social democracy, those 2 tasks shouldn't be mixed. Starting from the polemic of Rosa Luxemburg against the leadership of the German social democracy (mainly Bernstein), the communists of the 3rd international fiercely contested this idea, which has been repeated many times since by various currents and is still today quite common.<br />
4.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In his April theses, Lenin proposes a draft program, adapted to the specific conditions in Russia in the context of the World War. Apart from taking a clear position about the key issues of the war (fraternization, not the slightest concession to “revolutionary defencism”) and of the provisional governments (no support), the program also includes measures such as: abolition of the police, the army and the bureaucracy, equalization of the salaries of all officials, all of whom are elective and displaceable at any time, with the average wage of a competent worker, nationalization of all lands, union of all banks into a single national bank controlled by the Soviet of Workers’ Deputies etc. According to the author, these measures were meant to promote the “transition” to a second revolutionary stage, “which must place power in the hands of the proletariat and the poorest sections of the peasants”.<br />
In September 1917, in his article The Impending Catastrophe and How to Combat It, Lenin puts forward a five point program:<br />
<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Amalgamation of all banks into a single bank, and state control over its operations, or nationalization of the banks<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Nationalization of the syndicates, i.e., the largest, monopolistic capitalist associations (sugar, oil, coal, iron and steel, and other syndicates)<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Abolition of commercial secrecy<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Compulsory amalgamation into associations of industrialists, merchants and employers generally.<br />
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Compulsory organization of the population into consumers’ societies, or encouragement of such organization, and the exercise of control over it<br />
<br />
5.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Trying to completely break with the reformist tradition of the 2nd international, and also based on the experience of the Russian Revolution, the 3rd (Communist) International tried to elaborate a program that would overcome the distinction between minimum and maximum demands. The 3rd Congress stated:<br />
<br />
The Communist Parties do not put forward minimum programs which could serve to strengthen and improve the tottering foundations of capitalism. [...]If the demands put forward by the Communists correspond to the immediate needs of the broad proletarian masses, and if the masses are convinced that they cannot go on living unless their demands are met, then the struggle around these issues becomes the starting-point of the struggle for power. In place of the minimum program of the centrists and reformists, the Communist International offers a struggle for the concrete demands of the proletariat which, in their totality, challenge the power of the bourgeoisie, organize the proletariat and mark out the different stages of the struggle for its dictatorship.<br />
<br />
Again, this program was not called transitional, however it was defined as a program suitable for the transitional period that humanity had entered.<br />
6.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>After its 5th Congress (1924), in the 3rd International, under the ever-strengthening control of Stalin's bureaucratic faction, the transitional method faded away once again. The corollary of this process has been the shift to the popular front strategy after the 7th Congress (1934), i.e. the call for political alliances between workers and the so called democratic bourgeoisie against fascism, including even participation in bourgeois governments.<br />
7.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>It is not a coincidence, therefore, that the founding document of our current, the Fourth International, written by Trotsky in 1938, was called The Transitional program, or The death agony of capitalism and the Tasks of the Fourth International. The second title is also not a coincidence, as Trotsky's methodology started with the conception of capitalism as a historically bankrupt mode of production, that was about to die. Trotsky though that we were facing a final battle between capitalism and socialism-an idea bitterly criticized afterwards. But was this criticism correct or not? We will come back to this later.<br />
<br />
<b>The Transitional Methodology</b><br />
<br />
1.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>More than a given set of demands, the Transitional Program is a certain methodology to “overcome the contradiction between the maturity of the objective revolutionary conditions and the immaturity of the proletariat and its vanguard”, in Trotsky's own words. What makes a demand or task transitional is its ability to revolutionize class consciousness under the given class struggle circumstances.<br />
The concept is that, on one hand, in order to challenge the bourgeois power, the working class has to start from its actual struggles and experiences and, on the other, vice versa, in order to achieve even a small conquest within capitalism, especially in periods of crisis, the bourgeois class must fear that they will lose everything (so, a transitional program is even more effective in fighting for immediate needs).<br />
2.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In this framework, the program consists of 3 types of demands or, even better, tasks:<br />
a. immediate (e.g. stop buying military equipment)<br />
b. democratic (e.g. independence of all workers' organizations from the police and the army)<br />
c. transitional to workers' power (e.g. substitution of the army by peoples' militia, confiscating capital etc).<br />
3.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Here we have to make an important remark: a transitional program can be such, transitional, only if it raises the question of power from a class viewpoint. So, the corollary of the program has been the slogans for a workers' and peasants' government and for soviets and dual power.<br />
a. The second one refers to the matrix of a workers' state, which is the objective goal of the program. As Lenin pointed out in 1917, in the The state and revolution, the quintessence of a revolutionary communist project is not just to change the head of the bourgeois state, but to destroy its whole structure. Nowadays, it is even more important to be clear that strategically it is not possible to reform the bourgeois state, nor can we conquer it from the inside, but we have to build our own means of self-organization and dual power outside and against it<br />
b. The first slogan is more complicated, as its content has not always been the same<br />
i. in the case of the Bolsheviks, according to Trotsky, it was practically a synonym for the dictatorship of the proletariat<br />
ii. later, in the early 20's, there seemed to be a real possibility for short-lived governments of workers' parties coalitions, in various combinations and of different types, still within capitalism. Communists could consider differentiated tactics towards different possible versions of such governments, including also support or participation, provided, though, that a workers' government would be a concrete path to workers' power, and not a substitute for it.<br />
iii. In the hands of Stalinists in the 1930's, the same slogan turned out to be a synonym of class collaborationist governments.<br />
iv. By the time of the creation of the Fourth International, the real revolutionary currents were too small to determine any alliance for a real workers' government, i.e. a government actually defending workers' rights. Even the possibility was almost totally excluded. So, in the Transitional Program, the “workers' and peasants' government” was mainly a slogan of agitation, meant to unveil that social-democracy and the Communist Parties would rather ally with the so called democratic bourgeoisie than fight for an independent worker's government.<br />
v. Today, the slogan for a workers' government is still important when the question “what government” is raised by people, although it is interpreted in various and contradictory ways and despite its common abuse, which tends to assimilate it with a reformist stageist demand, restoring the illusion that capitalism may be reformed or overthrown by conquering the bourgeois state, and not challenging it itself.<br />
<br />
<b>Criticism</b><br />
<br />
We should now pose the following question: is the idea of a transitional program still relevant today? Is it really a useful tool in our struggle against capitalism? We will try to answer though examining some popular objections against the whole concept.<br />
1.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>There are currents, such as eurocommunists or the late stalinist Communist Parties, who claim that the transitional demands are invented, something like lab experiments with no connection to the actual needs of workers. Instead, they promote only those claims already adopted or easy to adopt by social movements.<br />
On the other hand, there are others (anarchists, some maoists) who claim that putting forward such specific demands, like for example a sliding scale of wages and hours, will inevitably lead to incorporation into a project to manage capitalism. How can we ask the bourgeois state to do something against its own interests?<br />
Both arguments reveal a misunderstanding not only of the transitional program methodology, but also of the role that a revolutionary anticapitalist organization has to accomplish. It is neither to just reflect what workers and the oppressed think right now (in this case, then why not simply dissolve ourselves in the mass movement?), nor to ignore the present state of the class consciousness, avoiding the crucial question: how to help it improve towards a revolutionary direction? In both cases, though, as much as they may seem opposite, the result is the same: a return to the old social-democratic concept of dividing the program into two irrelevant parts: a minimum and a maximum one.<br />
2.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Another type of criticism is the argument that the Transitional Program is not timely any more. It is absolutely true that any program has to be updated, that it is not a doctrine for all times and that there is no eternal recipe. In the original of 1938, the program was already differentiated in three different versions, regarding bourgeois democracies, backward countries and fascist regimes respectively. Conditions have changed since that time. But are the fundamental idea or the general outline of the Transitional Program also outdated?<br />
Actually this question was raised from the very beginning. Fighting against comrades who thought that to raise all those demands was premature in the US, in his well-known discussion with some members of the American SWP, Trotsky explained that the Transitional Program is not to adapt to the consciousness of the working class as it is, but to promote the objective interests of workers, even if the latter are not fully aware of them. He rejected excluding the task of equipping a workers militia, because for him the fundamental criterion was not whether the whole working class was ready to adopt it or not, but the fact that fascism was objectively threatening the American working class, and at least a vanguard minority of the latter should be aware of this. Just after the World War II, Tony Cliff supported that the Transitional Program was founded on the hypothesis that the crisis in the 1930's would be the final crisis of capitalism, which proved to be wrong, as capitalism entered a new upward phase. So, since we are not in a revolutionary period any more, we have to replace the Transitional Program with a list of radical immediate demands, not meant to question capitalism at once.<br />
It is maybe true that there are some fatalistic elements in the articulations of Trotsky (revealed also in the title itself). However, in his work The third international after Lenin, Trotsky clarified that by speaking about a revolutionary period he did not mean that a revolution would inevitably happen or that a counter-revolutionary victory was impossible, but that in the period to come we have to anticipate abrupt shifts of both the objective situation and the class consciousness. Regardless of our estimation about previous periods, I think that this is exactly the case nowadays.<br />
<br />
<b>Misinterpretations</b><br />
<br />
In order to better conceptualize the transitional method, maybe it is helpful to examine also some frequent misinterpretations of it.<br />
1.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Firstly, a program split into different stages is not at all transitional. We can't and shouldn't fight for democracy now and just put aside the social question, to deal with it in the future. Nowadays, this is a key issue in the Arab Spring revolutions, but it is also raised in Greece. Let's recall the “emergency plan” of SYRIZA, that is to say renegotiating the debt in order to “save the country” now and postpone the debate for socialism for another time, or even the illusion of more radical trends that a progressive, national economic development against the omnivorous imperialism but without confronting capitalism itself is feasible.<br />
The transitional methodology is based exactly on the liquidity of the social consciousness and of the real course of the class struggle, which proceeds with leaps and gaps, and not in a linear way that can be divided into distinct phases. A country that today has only a weak workers' movement may experience monumental struggles tomorrow – and vice versa. Who could tell some years ago that we could have a revolt in Bahrain? In the 1980's, this was the main argument of Ernest Mandel in his polemic against Doug Lorimer of the Australian SWP, who questioned the idea of the permanent revolution and endorsed the older “Third Worldist” argument that a revolution in the developed capitalist countries was extremely unlikely because their working class had turned into “labor aristocracy” (Lorimer, unfortunately, passed away recently).<br />
2.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Secondly, the transitional program is often treated as a list of demands, proposed to reformist or/and social-democratic parties by small revolutionary groups. In my opinion, this has been, for example, the methodology of the Militant (Ted Grant) current all the time (as well as of the Pabloite current, in a different form). According to this conception, the revolutionary Marxists' role is to carry this genuine program and fight for its adoption in the congresses of mass reformist parties. This concept has lead to picturesque small groups that claim extreme orthodoxy, but in practice always spin around reformism. Of course it is important to fight for your position when being part of a broader party or front, but the main aim is for the transitional program to be adopted by the mass movement itself, including radical trade unions. It is more of an action plan for the working class, than a plan proposed with the illusion that it could be adopted by reformist left governments. Besides, in his work Where France is going?, Trotsky already remarked that a transitional program means nothing if adopted by parties that are not willing to do anything about its implementation.<br />
In general, we have to avoid what we could call “objectivism”, i.e. the idea that any program, even the best one, has an automatic effect in itself. On the contrary, the transitional program, as part of an overall revolutionary program to overthrow capitalism, is tightly connected to the subjective factor, i.e. to a conscious and voluntarily disciplined political instrument. This cannot be but a party, a workers' party, and, moreover, a party independent from reformism. A revolutionary program cannot exist without a revolutionary party and vice versa. Therefore, rather than trying to reform the old workers' party bureaucracies, we have to consider what revolutionary anticapitalist parties have to be like nowadays. How can they be prepared to challenge capitalism in deed? How can we use our historic experience? How can we actually build such parties?<br />
<b><br /></b>
<b>The Transitional Program Today</b><br />
<br />
What is the actual relevance of this discussion today? In the context of the crisis, the need for a transitional program becomes obvious even to currents who had nothing to do with it before. This is, for example, the case of ANTARSYA in Greece. The biggest organizations that form the front used to be hostile to the transitional methodology, more or less on the basis of the objections described above. However, nowadays everybody in ANTARSYA speaks in the name of a contemporary transitional program. No matter how different the interpretations of such a program may be, it is still a fact that actually ANTARSYA is the only visible left force in Greece that put forward a transitional program, even incomplete, and call it by this name.<br />
Even if is rather impossible to make a list of demands suitable for all cases, it is crucial to engage ourselves in an attempt to form a new transitional program, in the framework of a broader revolutionary program which will be suitable for our time and constitute a real bridge to the workers' power. We can think of some universal demands, like the cancellation of the debt, the nationalization of banks and key sectors of the economy without conpensation and under workers control, the prohibition of lay-offs etc. In certain countries there are other, more specific key issues: in European countries, especially in the periphery, a rupture with the EU and an internationalist struggle to destroy it and replace it by the free right of the peoples to unite in federations. For the Arab world, the dissolution of all institutions connected to the dictatorial parties. In Greece and other countries, the need for massive self-defense structures against fascists etc.<br />
Apart from underlining the need to formulate a timely list of remarks and tasks, though, it is important to make three concluding remarks:<br />
1.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The role of the working class and its organizations in the battle against capitalism is indispensable. We have to help the working class unite in action, by bringing different working class layers together: private along with public sector workers, domestic workers along with immigrants, women along with men. This means including the fight for the special needs of all oppressed groups. An objective of the transitional program is also to provide the political ground for a united front, a front meant to promote class self-confidence by joining its scattered forces, not by tailing everybody behind reformists, though.<br />
2.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>We have to find the means to make the transitional program a really useful tool in the hands of the oppressed, and not just put it on a shelf and leave it there. We have already underlined that no demand is transitional in itself, regardless its actual function in the class struggle. People usually learn by their own experience, through their own actions. Therefore, means of struggle like the general political strike can be a strategic element of great importance in this direction.<br />
3.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>To say that the working class and the oppressed strata are not militant or conscious enough is not an excuse for our inertia. The recent experience shows the contrary: there are more and more struggles. If they are not always conscious enough, it is also our fault. Besides, we cannot postpone our answer to the challenges that the crisis brings with it until the class matures – the concrete task is to prepare for revolutionary or pre-revolutionary situations on the specific ground that the current state of class consciousness, even if quite low, offers. How to build parties able to do that is something to discuss (through radical trade unions? by regrouping revolutionary groups and anticapitalist currents? by independently building our own section where possible? by taking advantage of splits from reformism?). But the need for such parties and for such an International is not.<br />
Let's do as the slogan says: from Sao Paolo to Istanbul, from Athens to Cairo, from Revolt to Revolution.<br />
<br />
-------------------------------<br />
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article is a slightly adapted version of a presentation in an educational
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<br /></div>
Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-69560437693399148162013-07-12T03:17:00.003+03:002013-07-12T03:17:37.816+03:00ANTARSYA: "Political Decision of the 2nd Conference"<br />
A. The crisis, the new political situation and class struggle in Greece<br />
<br />
1. Working people and oppressed popular strata around the world, in Europe and particularly in Greece, are confronted with a deep structural crisis of contemporary capitalism and a violent and qualitatively reactionary acceleration of attacks on the part of the capital, the governments, the IMF, the EU and all supranational mechanisms, that take advantage of the capitalist crisis to pass a sweeping capitalist restructuring. With the intensification of imperialist antagonisms and the strengthening of the propensity for military conflicts, especially in the eastern Mediterranean and the Near East, new, unprecedented risks emerge for work, social welfare, democratic freedoms, culture, the environment, education and healthcare. For millions of workers around the world, and more so for those in Greece, the anti-capitalist overthrow of this attack with a revolutionary perspective constitutes a condition for survival. At the same time, there is growing evidence that a large global cycle of uprisings remains active through a wealth of important struggles around the world—the most recent example being the heroic uprising of the Turkish people.<br />
2. Three years after the first Memorandum, Greek capitalism has imposed a "social holocaust" at the expense of work. However, not only there has not been any growth, but also the crisis has deepened further. Additionally, the EU and particularly the Eurozone, not only did not overcome its own crisis, but now runs the risk of pulling the trigger and becoming the first victim of a new international cycle of crisis. The strategic choice of the Greek capital to remain in the euro and its absolute connection with the EU and its more reactionary perspective, is a factor that both supports the internal attack against labor and against the people and exacerbates the crisis of Greek capitalism. Contrary to the contention of the tripartite coalition government of New Democracy-PASOK-DIMAR, recession in the Greek economy will continue for at least the next two years. The Greek public debt is "unsustainable" even in capitalist terms. Based on the above, a new "haircut" and a fourth memorandum is a matter of time.<br />
3. The events of 2010-2012 constitute a first cycle of revolts, a political period marked by massive, diverse, and persistent resistance struggles of the working class and the people against the Memorandum raid, that contributed decisively to the exacerbation of instability and to the political crisis of the bourgeois system, shaping thus the first elements of a crisis of hegemony. This political crisis was expressed by the fall of two governments and was reflected in the elections through the fragmentation and decline of the bourgeois parties and the rise of the Left, that was thereof exploited by the “managerial” politics of SYRIZA. The workers’ and popular struggles have delayed the implementation of the measures, they have created great difficulties for the materialization of the attack, and now constitute a valuable legacy for the significant showdowns to come. The fact that these struggles failed to cause qualitative ruptures, and much more, to thwart the attack, is due to many reasons; While shaken, the hegemony of bourgeois politics and of the trade union bureaucracy over labor and popular movements remains in place in conjunction with the strategic and political failure of the reformist Left, namely SYRIZA and KKE. This stresses the need for an anti-capitalist and revolutionary perspective, a strategic reestablishment of the Left and a class reconstruction of the labor and popular movements to overthrow the attack. The shaky bourgeois and bureaucratic hegemony that is now obvious in the unions, as well as the great experiences from the struggles between 2010 and 2012, provide new qualitative possibilities towards this direction.<br />
4. Since mid-2012, class struggle encounters new difficulties in terms of the mass development of workers’ and popular struggles, that are due both to the formation of the coalition of New Democracy-PASOK-DIMAR as a temporary answer to the question of government instability and second, to the effect of imposing reactionary measures, to the pressure of unemployment and poverty. The capital, using as vehicle the coalition government of Samaras accepts the humiliating oversight of the Troika (EU-ECB-IMF) under the German hegemony, in order to pass with its help a general, reactionary reconstruction of Greek capitalism, in the hopes of attracting massive investments and achieving a quick recovery, which will be based on a 'medieval' exploitation of labor and on widespread misery among the people. This orientation reinforces the tendency to impose an undemocratic, authoritarian, emergency regime of parliamentary totalitarianism by reversing workers’ and people’s freedoms, using violence openly against the mass movement and the Left as well as the systematic use of "social automation." In this context, the capital uses the fascist threat and racism as a terrorist aggressive spear, and protects and supports the neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn. The aggressive stance of New Democracy around the so-called "anti-racism bill" confirms that a reactive, aggressive, political tendency is dominant in the circles of capital. This extreme reactionary political shift represents a major danger and a challenge for the working class movement and the Left.<br />
5. At the same time, there is preparation for every possibility, putting pressure on SYRIZA’s leadership for a full integration into the system with the aim of continuing the same politics even so in a milder version, its final transformation into a "responsible" power and opening channels for dialogue, recognizing them as a discussion partner. This trend is further reinforced by the choice of SYRIZA leadership to deal with the crisis in a “managerial” way, within the confines of EU policies and of capital. Based on the above, there should not be any more illusions that any "government of salvation with SYRIZA" might follow a qualitatively different anti-memorandum politics of rupture and subversion for the people. The Communist Party, on the other hand, despite its anti-capitalist, even revolutionary rhetoric, is strategically and tactically inadequate to address both the reactionary policy as well as the politics of integration. Its line eventually leads to defeat. ANTARSYA, however, will continue its tactic for unity both in relation to SYRIZA and KKE, and as an open and comradely discussion and debate on the basis of the overall rise of the movement, joint action and unity of class forces, especially within the labor movement.<br />
6. ANTARSYA believes that political instability, political crisis, and those elements of a crisis of hegemony will reappear more acutely in new forms in the arena of the complexities of the crisis and of mass struggles. At the same time, sectoral, operational, and popular struggles and resistance of lately (e.g., Metro, OLME, MEVGAL, Skouries, etc.) despite their weaknesses, suggest, nevertheless, that the labor and popular movement are seeking avenues in order to break the violence and terror, to force the capital and government to a first defeat, to pave the way for the overthrow of the brutal "Memorandum" intrusion. In the dynamic of correlations, despite several turning points in class struggle, we see the development of a trend noted by the first ANTARSYA Conference for a «historical period characterized by multiple social explosions, unexpected popular uprisings, even revolutionary events." This trend is certainly not linear, nor does it overlap with the cycles of economic crisis. It creates, however, the medium-term conditions for the outbreak of revolutionary conditions in any one country, even in capitalist developed countries, in a transnational interaction, more so in our country. This trend will be addressed by the capital with the intensification of the counter-revolutionary attack. ANTARSYA the anti-capitalist, revolutionary and communist Left, the subversive left, and the working class grassroots movements must prepare theoretically, politically, and tactically in order to capitalize on the upcoming showdowns for an anti-capitalist subversion of the attack and in order to pave the way for the revolutionary process.<br />
7. The current deep structural crisis of capitalism remains active, and will experience new complications, and possibly a transient, loose and anemic recovery. However, the structural crisis of capital will be eventually solved, either through the violent destruction of the capitalist over-accumulation of capital and a new qualitative, reactive and total reconstruction of the system, or through a violent revolutionary expropriation of capital, for the overcoming of capitalism and the abolition of capital relations, on the road to socialism-communism of our time; The only historical perspective that can save people from barbarism. These "two perspectives" spawn a new era of class struggle. They lead to a higher conflict between labor and capital, to a new round of revolutions towards socialism and communism, to the confrontation with the question of power and government of workers and working classes allies. The contemporary working class, the collective worker of our time, not only is subject to greater exploitation and precarity, above all, s/he has the knowledge and the possibilities for a new organization of production and society, where s/he will be in charge. ANTARSYA enlists in this perspective.<br />
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B. The political proposal and programme of ANTARSYA<br />
8. In the present historical period, ANTARSYA’s central political objective is the anti-capitalist subversion of the attack waged on the part of the capital, its governments, the EU and the IMF, with the necessary anti-capitalist transitional programme. The anti-capitalist overthrow will be imposed by a militant front of rupture and subversion with a reconstituted class labor movement at its core, the political hegemony of a strong pole-a political front of the anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, anti-EU and subversive Left and under the power of a popular workers uprising. The anti-capitalist subversion of the attack will pave the way for the revolution, for claiming and seizing power and the government by the fighting forces of workers and the popular movement, the conflict and, ultimately, the destruction of the bourgeois state.<br />
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9. Definitive elements of such a trajectory are persistence and the emergence of the necessary transitional anti-capitalist programme. It is a programme for the survival and the substantial improvement of the economic and social life of workers and people in general, that is inextricably tied to the struggle for debt cancellation, the exit from the euro and the EU, workers' control, nationalizations, unilateral termination of all memoranda of 'medium-term frameworks and loan contracts; A programme that defends jobs and the collective productive capacity of society against the laws of the market and EU policy. This programme meets the immediate and vital interests of the masses. It inextricably connects the struggle for life of the working class and the people with the revolutionary perspective, paving the way for the socialist-communist transformation of Greek society. It is convincing to the degree that when we rely on the forces and the struggle of the people, we can live, we can produce and survive, we can have fuel and infrastructure, healthcare, education and security, justice and quality of life, without the euro and the EU, without debt, above and beyond the market logic; With elements of a true democracy against authoritarian and reactionary transformation of the political system.<br />
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10. This programme is anti-capitalist since it clashes with the forces of capital and the laws of the system, a logic thereby imposed by the nature of the crisis. It is anti-imperialist to the degree that it is situated against imperialist forces and organizations highlighting the class roles and their alliance with the Greek oligarchy. It is democratic because it incorporates both modern democratic rights of workers and the anti-fascist struggle. It aims at uniting the fragmented working class in the political struggle and at building its alliance with other popular and exploited strata that are destroyed by the onslaught of big business and multinational monopolies through labor hegemony. It is not intended to form an "alliance" with the non-monopoly strata of the bourgeoisie.<br />
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11. The main axes of struggle of this programme are:<br />
- Unilateral termination of Memoranda for immediate improvement of the position of the working class and the oppressed people founded on the abolition of all laws stemming from the memorandum regarding income, pensions, collective bargaining agreements and with an eye on further improvement.<br />
- The overthrow of ND-PASOK-DIMAR coalition government and of any government implementing the memoranda and only “manages” capital’s attack.<br />
- The elimination of Troika EU-ECB-IMF and all para-mechanisms of the EU, the conquest and expansion of the working people's sovereignty and the right of people to decide their fate.<br />
- Debt cancellation with immediate cessation of payments to creditors.<br />
- The nationalization of banks and large businesses, including those that are closing down and firing workers, with worker-popular control and without compensation for losses.<br />
- The exit from the Euro and the EU that ANTARSYA promotes as a demand with an anti-capitalist character for a new internationalist course.<br />
- The overthrow of the undemocratic politics of violence, repression, and state of emergency through democratic gains to the benefit of workers and the people.<br />
- The fight against the fascist threat and racism for the defense, legalization, and naturalization of the children of immigrants; safeguarding immigrants' rights as an integral part of the working class.<br />
- The exit from NATO, the closedown of military bases, the conviction and refusal to participate in imperialist campaigns around the world, and right now in Syria. Preventing the threat of an imperialist war in our region, the dissolution of the Greece–Israel axis.<br />
- The defense of a collective production potential in order to keep the businesses open and the factories under workers control, to cultivate the land by the small and poor peasantry and for the survival of self-employed working classes and their cooperatives.<br />
- The defense and expansion of social and political rights of women and of all people who are discriminated against because of their sexual orientation.<br />
- The defense of nature and the environment from the pillaging invasion of capital.<br />
12. Overall, ANTARSYA’s transitional anti-capitalist programme proposes the route of struggle to mass labor and popular movements. It collides with the bourgeois political hegemony and domination, and directly seeks material changes in the power correlation, becoming thus a blueprint for action, and for making gains in the interest of workers. The struggle for the implementation of this programme will demonstrate that the final deliverance from exploitation and oppression can only come through a revolutionary process and the power of the workers themselves. Based on the above, it is clearly a programme of "transition" towards the revolution, socialism and, eventually, communism; It is a programme that brings together different forces and bridges the movement’s present with its future.<br />
13. On the basis of such a programme, a powerful, politicized labor-popular movement can bring down the government and the memoranda, "dismantle" the memorandum 'acquis' of the bourgeoisie, and restore and expand on the working class rights. Such orientation requires a new round of massive and decisive fights; it requires a multifaceted "prolonged popular war." By contrast, confronting the government in terms of "parliamentary standby" leads to defeat.<br />
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14. Through the process of class struggle and popular uprising, people will be organized by building their own institutions for the movement, with workers’ democracy in the unions and generalization of forms of coordination that clash with the union bureaucracy; by holding popular assemblies in neighborhoods and generalizing movement-inspired solidarity practices; expanding forms of popular self-defense here and now; struggling against the fascist threat and against the escalation of repression.<br />
15. This programme, in its entirety, will be implemented by the government and the political power of the working class and its allying popular strata. Claiming the power of workers requires: First, a transitional anti-capitalist programme that takes a position in relation to basic questions, such as leaving the euro and the EU, debt relief, nationalizations, etc., breaking with the "legality" and the "acquis communautaire." Second, an actual confrontation with repressive mechanisms and capital’s power, combined with extra-parliamentary and parliamentary forms of struggle. Third, it requires a vigorous grassroots movement with counter-institutions of popular power, with forms of popular solidarity, self-organization and self-defense. Workers cannot have any power without any and all forms of struggle, with which organized people will materialize the transitional programme. That is why we insist that, in any case, the possibility for a revolutionary overthrow and an actual way out for workers goes necessarily through the formation of independent forms of struggle for workers' power, forms that are competitive with and external to the bourgeois state. Otherwise, the risk of incorporation or defeat will remain open.<br />
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C. The Militant Front of Rupture and Overthrow<br />
16. Both the new situation, as well as previous experiences call for a decisive improvement of the political line of the militant front of rupture and overthrow (AMPA), putting at its core a class reconstituted labor movement, that will be linked with and inspired by the anti-capitalist transitional programme; The aim is to establish a social alliance of the fighting popular masses, with workers’ hegemony and a subversive political perspective. This is the only alliance that can confront the government and reverse the attack, one that can make gains and reverse the current historical trajectory.<br />
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17. The class reconstruction of the labor movement as the core of AMPA passes through:<br />
- The creation of a unified and massive coordination of primary unions, militant associations and mass committees for struggle that will constitute a real militant point of reference within the labor union movement; Unions that will collide with and overcome trade union bureaucracy in GSEE-ADEDY federations and associations.<br />
- The organized, copious effort for reconstructing unions both in the public and private sector and for creating new ones, especially in the private sector.<br />
- The strengthening and coordination of class political unionist formation, so as to contribute to a working class cluster constituted by all the forces of anti-“managerial” unionism aiming at the class reconstruction of the trade union movement.<br />
- Finally, we need to consolidate the political initiatives that will allow the labor movement to strengthen its political role as organizer and force of impact of the broader popular demands in the upcoming battles.<br />
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18. AMPA is further built through the efforts towards:<br />
- A contemporary movement of the unemployed with local committees in all neighborhoods and areas; a movement that is connected with the labor movement and trade unions.<br />
- A labor and popular front of struggle for freedom and democratic rights that supports the work of KEEDE.<br />
- A massive anti-racist and anti-fascist movement with the contribution and cooperation of ANTARSYA with KEERFA in unified frontal action in neighborhoods, with anti-fascist committees coordinated in “movement” terms and not via the logic of the "constitutional arch."<br />
- The struggle against the EU and the euro, and the support of any relevant initiative.<br />
- The forms of popular self-organization, solidarity, disobedience to taxation and self-defense in neighborhoods and cities, with a class militant orientation.<br />
- A militant mass youth movement with a subversive orientation in alliance with the working class movement.<br />
- Multiple fronts of struggle in defense of public social services (healthcare, education, water, energy, transportation, etc.) against privatization and the wholesale of public property,<br />
- The fight to defend the environment and the city against the predatory capital investment.<br />
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19. In order to build a militant front for rupture and subversion, we are calling on the base and the leadership of all social and political currents of the struggle and all the forces of the Left for joint action in the mass movement and on all existing fronts, with terms of equality and respect of opinions, based on the achievements of the movement. The joint action of the Left, especially that of militant forces, irrespective of where they belong to, is a strong prerequisite for the development of a movement for rupture.<br />
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D. The pole of the anti-capitalist, revolutionary, subversive Left and the frontal political joining of forces for subversion.<br />
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20. ANTARSYA’s aspiration is to rally the widest possible array of forces for the creation of a massive pole/a political front of the anti-capitalist, revolutionary Left and the broader forces of subversion, with the hegemony of an anti-capitalist transitional programme. This massive pole/political front is objectively necessary for the creation of a militant front of rupture and subversion and the reconstruction for the class labor movement.<br />
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21. An immediate step toward this direction is the "frontal political joining of forces for rupture," the collaboration of the forces of the anti-capitalist, anti-EU, anti-imperialist and radical Left. Such forces are, first of all, the men and women political activists in the different movements, people fighting in the Left, the "natural avant-gardes" who are born out of the class struggle and who feel more and more the distance between the needs of the struggle and the political inadequacy of the reformist Left’s leaderships. They are activists from the base of the Left, forces oriented to overthrowing the capital’s politics and the EU, with class intervention in the labor movement. They are forces with a communist referent; Forces that articulate decisively the issue of struggle against the euro and the EU, such as the Plan B - Front of Solidarity and Subversion. There are organizations of the revolutionary and anti-imperialist Left, such as KOA, EEK, OKDE Workers' Struggle and other organizations. There are the currents of Left that differentiate themselves from the various "patriotic," cross-class and apolitical currents of the anti-memorandum struggle.<br />
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We unite with all these forces on the basis of the following: an emphasis on the escalation of the struggle, the search for a modern anti-capitalist transitional programme, the persistence on the release from the euro and the EU, addressing the question of power in terms of rupture and not in terms of “management.”<br />
Our assessment is that there are possibilities today for such a joining of forces. ANTARSYA aims at capitalizing on these opportunities to the fullest extent, and we invite the various forces to do the same. Ultimately, everyone will be judged by the substantial contribution to this effort.<br />
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22. Such a frontal joining of power is based on the necessary and indispensable transitional anti-capitalist programme today. More specifically: The unilateral cancellation of the memoranda and other loan contracts. The refusal to pay—debt cancellation. The ousting of the troika and of any other “guardian.” The exit from the euro and the EU as well as from NATO. The nationalization of the banking system and of strategic companies without any compensation for damages. The worker and social control in production and throughout society. The struggle for real democracy and popular sovereignty of the working people and the liberation from the shackles of modern totalitarianism of capital. The defense of the lives of workers in the struggle for survival and the improvement of their position against the dictatorship of the memoranda, profits and competitiveness. The overthrow of the government and its politics, and of every government that follows policies against the people. The escalation of the fight, the anti-managerial logic and the awareness that there is no room for a "populist" governmental management in the context of the euro, the EU and the system, the insistence on the need for revolutionary changes and for claiming a modern socialist perspective.<br />
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23. In this direction, based on the content that was developed, ANTARSYA enlists uniformly and takes on the political initiative to address the forces and the activists mentioned earlier. Together with those forces and militants who will agree on the necessary content, as it is determined in the previous paragraph, we proceed directly to join political forces for rupture and the joint intervention in the major social and political battles. Each joint force maintains its independency and we aim at making this process a concern not just for those organized but also for independent activists; we want this concern of joining forces to be debated widely on all levels and not to become just an issue for the leadership or for “media management.” Here and now ANTARSYA proposes a common political intervention on the following four fronts: a) in the battle for the exit from the euro and the EU, b) against civil mobilization (conscription) and generally for democratic workers' and people's freedoms, c) the creation of a large unified labor coordination and more generally, the class reconstruction of the labor movement, d) the struggle against the fascist threat and racism and the struggle for the legitimation and defense of immigrants as part of the working class.<br />
24. Frontal politics requires the independence and strengthening of ANTARSYA, as a front of the anti-capitalist, revolutionary and communist Left, for the hegemony of the anti-capitalist transitional programme. It does not imply diffusion of ANTARSYA, much less its substitution with a frontal joining of forces for rupture.<br />
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E. For the most complete programmatic, frontal, and organizational constitution of ANTARSYA<br />
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25. The existence of ANTARSYA as an independent, coherent force, a visible pole within the Left is particularly important. ANTARSYA should become today a pioneer of the anti-capitalist Left, one that functions democratically, that processes a modern revolutionary strategy, that deepens the anti-capitalist struggle and is connected to a modern socialist and communist perspective.<br />
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On this basis ANTARSYA:<br />
- Takes the initiative for a serious theoretical and political debate around the issue of the relationship between the state, revolution, power and government in the new era of class struggle.<br />
- Sets up a plan for militant independent promotion of its overall political proposal and its frontal politics.<br />
- Organizes the steps for a more in-depth processing, integration, and intervention particularly in the labor movement, but also in other fronts, such as democratic, anti-fascist - anti-racist, anti-EU, environmental fronts, etc.<br />
- Sets up new committees and enhances the political and democratic operation and intervention of all committees, especially sectoral, for the development of deeper political ties with the working class and the popular strata.<br />
- Upgrades qualitatively its frontal democratic character for an ANTARSYA of the organized forces and of independent political activists, for an ANTARSYA of the fighters and the thinkers.<br />
Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-42390153157724646662013-03-03T14:08:00.000+02:002013-03-03T14:08:05.816+02:00Nicholas Skoufoglou: "SYRIZA'S STRATEGY OF CLASS COLLABORATION FURTHEROMORE CONSOLIDATED"<br />
Below you can read the recent interview of Georgios Stathakis for the "Vima", one of the biggest tabloids in Greece. Georgios Stathakis is currently a SYRIZA MP and the person in charge of the Economic Development Sector of SYRIZA. He is one of the closest consultants of President Tsipras and one of the most prominent leading cadres of the party.<br />
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TO VIMA: <i>Mr Stathakis, in your interview for the “Sunday Vima” in September 2012, you had declared that the new Memorandum would not survive the next six months. There is one month remaining...Is this estimation still valid?</i><br />
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STATHAKIS: It is valid that the Memorandum has no future, is not viable, without one or more than one restructuring of the public debt, which it supposedly serves, and without the stabilization of the Greek economy as well. Today there is a restructuring of the debt ahead of us in the end of the year and, at the same time, the stabilization of the economy that they envisioned back in that time is still not visible. There is new recession and new disarrangement of public revenues”.<br />
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<i>The stabilization for you remains...</i><br />
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...our primary goal, yes.<br />
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<i>How can the recession be stopped at this moment, as obviously we cannot have such thing in two or three months?</i><br />
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The stopping of the recession requires economic policies exactly on the opposite of the Memorandum, which means stabilization of the public expenses at a level of 40-42%, it is not that important, stabilization of the tax income at the same level, but combined with measures of redistribution of the tax weights, which should facilitate the tendency for consumption in domestic demand to increase, and it requires also some necessary counterweights, a development agenda which would form a mechanism with the minimum investment funds needed in order to achieve recovery.<br />
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<i>Domestic or foreign investment funds?</i><br />
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Both domestic and foreign ones.<br />
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<i>Consequently, the whole disapproval of foreign investments from the part of SYRIZA is somehow relativised...</i><br />
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There is no such thing as disapproval of foreign investments, there is disapproval of those investments that are exclusively oriented towards the program of privatizations, public utility and real estate. SYRIZA in general supports all investments that upgrade the country's productive economy, the infrastructure in tourism and other sections and, consequently, we are highly positive towards them, we want an institutional, tax and environmental framework that will be clear and this is what we are going to do as a government, in order to facilitate foreign investments in Greece.<br />
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<i>Speaking of public expenses, how is this compromising with the commitment of Mr. Tsipras to restore pensions at the pre-Memorandum levels?</i><br />
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Without the word “gradually” this phrase stays meaningless. This “gradually” is very important. Salaries and pensions can return to levels that are compatible with those before 2009 only provided that economy recovers and reaches the level of 2009. This is a gradual procedure. Obviously, the intention of SYRIZA is, as far as economy comes back to development rates, both working people and pensioners to have the responding portion in this development.<br />
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<i>Consequently this is not something achievable by “one law”...</i><br />
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...that's why Alexis Tsipras also used the word “gradually”.<br />
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<i>You emphasize on the reform of the state and the public sector. On what model is this going to happen?</i><br />
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All major changes that there have historically been in Greece, under Trikoupis, Venizelos or Konstantinos Karamanlis, were combined with a profound change in public administration, because the effort to change things in economic policies and set goals can't go forward, without an effective and just state. This is the big bet for SYRIZA, there must be profound changes in public administration. The state delivered to us is not ours, but all goals set by SYRIZA depend on the profound changes in public administration.<br />
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<i>State apparatus, public administration, these mean “middle class” or something around it. As you mentioned Konstantinos Karamanlis, is this mention linked with the recent “flirting” between Mr. Tsipras and the supporters of Karamanlis inside ND?</i><br />
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I think it's a matter neither of love nor hatred. The exit of the Greek society out of the impasse obviously surpasses the narrow ideological frameworks in which our political system has been formed until today and SYRIZA acts as a force which tries to clearly describe the way in which we can have this exit. In this process it will be politically supported by broader strata that exceed the traditional space of the left. Thus, it addresses to the centre and to parts of the right that at this moment can form a new political coalition.<br />
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<i>So, you estimate that there are possibilities of collaboration everywhere.</i><br />
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I estimate that the political scene will be very different than how it used to be in the past. Obviously, there will be more rearrangements in the space of the centre and SYRIZA must be present in all these processes, in order to build a very powerful social and political bloc, which is necessary, if it (SYRIZA) is to make any change needed in the Greek society.<br />
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<i>You say that the open space of Social-Democracy will be covered by you and nobody else.</i><br />
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I imagine that everybody has the ambition for this space to be a field where SYRIZA will gather all these parts that look for expression.<br />
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<i>I don't think Mr. Lafazanis has such an ambition...</i><br />
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Our party has space for various and different strategies. Nevertheless it is our common belief and there is a convergence of opinions on that, that we used to seek and still we seek unity of the left, this is given and nobody disagrees with that, and at the same time we agree on the fact that SYRIZA must express a much broader spectrum of political forces.<br />
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<i>The involvement of SYRIZA in the “law and order” agenda favors you or should you insist on the economic field?</i><br />
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My personal opinion is that SYRIZA should insist on the economic and social agenda. The government is substantially absent from this. It has put extravagant weight on the “law and order” agenda, where SYRIZA obviously will strongly defend matters of human rights. It is not the field, however, where it can show its capability of intervention at the moment.<br />
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<i>You consider a new “haircut” of the Greek debt as given. But who will buy Greek bonds in the future?</i><br />
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As far as the debt is not viable, nobody will buy Greek bonds. The debt must get viable. As long as there is no application of a policy to reduce it, which usually happens in two ways, either by higher development rates or by inflation, but instead of a policy of austerity and deflation, there is no other way than successive “haircuts”.<br />
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<i>You have recently been in the USA. It is not finally a problem for SYRIZA that its interlocutors are found outside the euro zone?</i><br />
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SYRIZA should do these trips to North and South America, as we should do the next ones to China and Russia. We come from a political family that does not govern at the moment in Europe, therefore we should, if anything, form on the international level an elementary familiarity with the opinions and strategies promoted by SYRIZA. In America things are easier because Obama's policy has much in common with what we intend to do. He reinforced the welfare state in the crisis, he raised minimum salaries by 25%, he created an agenda of restraint of the recession with an increase of the public debt and he taxes the rich.<br />
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<b>Some short comments:</b><br />
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1. It is highly provocative for workers, employees, unemployed and pensioners in Greece the fact that, according to Mr. Stathakis, one of the most prominent members of SYRIZA leadership, the level of salaries and pensions are directly linked with the growth of the economy and consequently the GDP. This means accepting that working people are destined to get only a certain percentage of the wealth they themselves produce. This acceptance equals acceptance of one of the most fundamental rules of capitalist economy. As long as it is true that for the salaries to rise, there must be positive development rates, one can easily assume that, when there is a recession, as is the case in Greece, cuts in salaries and pensions are a reasonable consequence. We recognize that Mr. Stathakis criticizes the size of these cuts, that's his point of criticism to the Memorandum. At any case though, Mr Stathakis is clear: working people must pay for the capitalist crisis (their responding portion).<br />
2. Mr Stathakis, agreeing with president Tsipras (who expressed himself in a recent interview mildly in favor of the COSCO investment in the port of Piraeus) is enthusiastic about foreign investments in Greece. Foreign investments, no matter what one may imagine, equal some very simple things: privatizations, layoffs, lower salaries, environmental disaster. That's the meaning of Mr Hollande's recent visit in Athens: the expression of French corporations' interest in buying the water services in Greece. That's the meaning of the Qataris’ interest in the ex-airport of Athens: the conversion of a huge free space in the city into a huge commercial centre. Domestic private investments are not better at all. There is the same meaning in the great investment by Mr Bobolas in the gold mines of northern Greece: buying a gold deposit probably worth some billion euros, for only 11 million, with consequences for the environment that can't be even predicted yet. In his last public speech, Mr Stathakis made it clear that SYRIZA will unconditionally support, for the development’s sake, any enterprise that is profitable and does well, whether it is a public or a private one. On the issue of large investments in regions where there is significant opposition by the local society, he spoke for the need of establishing an institutional tool that can decide which part is right (the investor/entrepreneur or the people), so as to avoid lawsuits and trials, that are usual in such cases (people suing corporations) and if the verdict is for the investor, the investment should go on.<br />
3. Mentioning three prominent bourgeois prime ministers as examples to align with is of course odd, but not so unpredictable. Harilaos Trikoupis was the prime minister under whom the first bankruptcy of the Greek state occurred, back in 1893. Eleftherios Venizelos is responsible for the disastrous nationalist military campaign in Asia Minor (after World War I) and for the ethnic cleansing of the Greek state, through harsh expelling or suppression of the then existing national minorities. A government under him, later on, established a law prosecuting ideas and not actions, according to which thousands of communists and progressive workers were exiled, imprisoned or executed. Konstantinos Karamanlis is the successor of the civil war state, being elected as a prime minister for the first time in 1955. Under his governments, the prosecutions of communists went on, Grigoris Lambrakis (a left deputy) and Sotiris Petroulas (a radical left student) were murdered and electoral fraud dominated. He had close relations with parastatal groups and above all with the militaries that imposed the military junta in 1967. He was also the first prime minister after the fall of the junta, and thus the person who secured the peaceful return to bourgeois democracy, that is the consolidation of class domination that had been seriously questioned in the insurrectionary years of 1973-74. All these three persons are mentioned by bourgeois politicians and historians as being connected with the capitalist modernization of Greece in three different periods. Trikoupis promoted the industrialization of the country and introduced the railway, Venizelos gave Greece its current borders, Karamanlis led Greece joining the EU (the then EEC). I'm not implying of course that the SYRIZA program or strategy are directly inspired by these three persons. But, the leadership of SYRIZA has since long ago adopted the catchword of “productive reconstruction” of the country as their central strategy. And as this strategy is deprived of any class reference (by whom and for whom?), it can easily lead to such mentions.<br />
4. There is no need to say that finding common elements between SYRIZA program and Obama's policies is just a mark of SYRIZA having gone simply too far.<br />
5. Concerning the agent which is to apply the SYRIZA governmental program, let me make a short remark. In the elections of May and June, the leadership of SYRIZA spoke of an “anti-austerity left government”, addressing a call to all left (or “left”) parties: KKE, ANTARSYA and “hopefully” DIMAR, indirectly trying also to attract support by the right anti-memorandum party of Independent Greeks. This catchword shifted to a “government of national salvation” in the months to come, comprising non-left parties. Next, as Tsipras described in the same interview mentioned above, the primary collaborators turned to be the traditional centre-left. Now we see that SYRIZA go even beyond that: they plan to form a government collaborating with parties expanding from the left (themselves, as other left parties are not mentioned anymore) to the right (even parts from inside ND). In fact, the eventuality of forming a government with right-winged parties (namely the semi far-right Independent Greeks of Panos Kammenos) was open from the very beginning. It was also theoretically justified by the scheme introduced by President Tsipras: that the old traditional division between left and right is no more timely, and is to be substituted by the division between pro- and anti-Memorandum forces. But now Mr Stathakis insists on the necessity for a government which is to “express a much broader spectrum of political forces”. In his last public speech, he meticulously described how SYRIZA will form their governmental program: not on their own, but in collaboration with social organizations, scientific societies, business institutions, workers etc. This is a bad version of Popular Front governments, which historically have led to treasons and disappointment among the working classes and in some cases prepared the ground for authoritarian of even fascist regimes to emerge.<br />
6. The working class in Greece has no real solution to expect from such projects of class collaboration. What is needed is a conscious strategy of rupture with capitalism, and a party that will be able to propose and apply it. In Greece we have the social material, the militant vanguard that can support such a project. The processes inside SYRIZA have already shown their short limits: they can't pressure the leadership, who feels every passing day freer to speak, they can't restrain the socialdemocratic adaptation to class collaboration. Therefore, the creation of such a party mainly depends on processes outside SYRIZA, above all ANTARSYA, despite all existing problems.<br />
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PS: According to the last gallop that was published yesterday (26/2), 23% of the questioned would vote for SYRIZA, and at the same time only 20% think things will get better under a SYRIZA government. This is a clear sign that this kind of “realism” expressed by SYRIZA not only lowers the masses' willingness to struggle, but it doesn't even offer a reliable alternative.<br />
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Nickolas Skoufoglou<br />
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Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-5106237576861121682013-02-27T00:25:00.000+02:002013-02-27T00:25:23.077+02:00PTS (Argentina): "Argentina: Kirchnerism begins to lose its grip on the workers’ movement"<br />
During November and December 2012, there was a series of demonstrations in Argentina which graphically expressed the loss of hegemony of the Kirchner government and the depth of its crisis of succession. There were several ‘cacerolazos’ - demonstrations in which kitchen pots and pans are banged together - similar to the one which had taken place on September 13th, expressing the high level of discontent among the middle and upper middle classes with the government. These demonstrations were encouraged by big corporations and the church, and had the support of right-wing opposition politicians like Buenos Aires mayor Mauricio Macri, the Peronist governor of Córdoba province, José Manuel de la Sota, former MP and leader of the liberal ARI party Elisa Carrió, and current right-wing Peronist MP Francisco de Narváez.<br />
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With the government priding itself that the only opposition to its policies was coming from the right, the first national workers’ strike against the Kirchner government took place on November 20th. The last general strike in Argentina was on December 13th, 2001, a week before the government of Fernando de la Rúa fell during the uprising.<br />
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The strike was called by Hugo Moyano of the CGT and Pablo Micheli of the CTA. The CGT is the trade union confederation covering industrial, service, retail and transport sectors. However, during recent years there have been splits and there are now three CGTs. One of them, led by the metalworkers’ trade union leader Antonio Caló, supports the government. The second is the CGT Blue and White, led by the trade unionist/entrepreneur Luis Barrionuevo, which opposes the government but is allied with the right-wing of Peronism. The CGT led by Moyano, which controls the lorry drivers’ union, has moved into opposition after supporting the government for ten years. The CTA is the main confederation among public and service sector workers, and is divided into two parallel confederations, one that supports the government, led by Hugo Yasky, and one that opposes the government led by Micheli.<br />
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Support for the strike went beyond the oppositional trade union confederations, extending to trade unions which are part of the pro-government grouping - in workplaces with members of Yasky’s CTA and Caló’s CGT, the level of absenteeism was very high. The empty streets of Buenos Aires were testament to the high level of support. As well as showing the dissatisfaction of broad sectors of the working class, the strike exposed the weaknesses of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner’s government. which was put on the defensive. The result has been to deepen the fight within Peronism over the presidential succession .<br />
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Following the strike there was a call by Moyano and Micheli for a rally in the Plaza de Mayo on December 19th which provoked discussion among left-wing parties that are part of the Left and Workers’ Front (Frente de Izquierda y los Trabajadores, FIT) about the character of the proposed demonstration and whether or not the left should participate in it. In this regard, the first thing to say is that it makes no sense to discuss December 19th without putting the national strike of November 20th at the centre of the debate.<br />
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<b>Groups of workers are distancing themselves from the Government</b><br />
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The strike was the major political event of the year and showed, in contrast to Kirchner’s claim that the only opposition was coming from the right, that there is what we in the PTS have been calling an ‘opposition from the left’. Dissatisfied with its policies, workers are beginning to break with the Kirchner government, although this doesn’t mean that they are joining the ranks of the bourgeois opposition. The central demand of the strike was against a new tax on salaries, cynically called a “tax on profits” by the government, which will affect 25% of workers. This is deeply resented, especially since inflation is running at 20-25%.<br />
The strike allowed a significant fraction of the working class to speak with its own voice, which frightened the entire bourgeoisie, mainly because of the movement’s potential rather than the strike itself, which was limited in its scope by the cowardly leadership. The reason that workers are beginning to break from Kirchnerism can be found in the combination of the crisis of the so-called “Kirchnerist economic model” due to the fiscal deficit and rising inflation, and the crisis of the presidential succession. The importance of this lies in the fact that if the government can’t guarantee its own continuity, it is certainly the case that the bourgeois opposition cannot guarantee its superiority either because it is fragmented and without significant political personalities.<br />
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A very important aspect of the strike was that it showed the increasing influence of the left, in particular Trotskyism, inside the workers’ movement. The left is representing sections of the working class through its leadership of works councils and shop stewards’ committees. These sections of workers participated in the strike with their own demands. The high profile of the left in the strike was noted by the mainstream media and recognised by the trade union bureaucracy itself.<br />
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On the morning of the strike, TV stations showed pictures of anti-bureaucratic and class conscious workers’ delegates from the nearby factories blocking the Pan American Highway with placards reading: “We are not with Moyano”. This event didn’t fall from the sky as some currents of the left who are not active in the workers’ movement claim. It was part of a political struggle to defend the correctness of the demands of the strike: against the tax on salaries, for an increase of pensions to 82% of the basic salary, and for a rise in family benefits. We fought for these demands even among those workers whose pro-government union leaders were calling for the strike to be boycotted, while differentiating ourselves completely from the Moyano/Micheli leadership which called the strike.<br />
The PTS took this struggle into every workplace were it holds leadership positions. At 6am, workers from Kraft, PepsiCo, Stani foods, Fate tyres, teachers of the April 9th current inside the teachers’ union, alongside comrades from the Number 60 bus line and the Rioplatense cold storage plant, blocked the Pan American Highway. Not long afterwards, a combative column of more than 200 graphic workers from Donnelley, Word Color and Printpack arrived from the north and joined the picket line. In total, there were 700 workers on the picket when comrades from our North Buenos Aires branch, a delegation from the PTS youth, telephone workers and public sector workers from the left grouping in their unions, delegations of the FIT and other left-wing groups joined them.<br />
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The picket was addressed by our comrades Javier “Poke” Hermosilla and Lorena Gentile, both delegates at Kraft; Eduardo Ayala, delegate at Donnelley; Luis Medina, delegate at PepsiCo; and by Christian Castillo, a leading member of the PTS. In a live link from the Jorge Newbery airport, LAN delegates Charly Platkowky and Eduardo Saab explained why they were on strike despite the leadership of their trade union APA. The TV screens were divided into two parts so they simultaneously showed the blockades on the Pan American Highway and at the intersection of Callao and Corrientes avenues in the city centre called by the PTS youth.<br />
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Simultaneously, the “B”subway line was in the news because the service was paralysed. Our comrade Claudio Dellecarbonara explained to the media that the subway workers had held their own assemblies and were joining the strike despite the fact that their trade union - which is loyal to the government - did not support it. He explained that the methods of the “B” subway workers were opposed to those of Moyano.<br />
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In the southern province of Neuquén in Patagonia, the day began with the blocking of Route 7, the main trunk road linking Buenos Aires with Santiago in Chile, by workers from the textile, ceramic and paper industries, along with hospital workers, teachers and students. Also present was our comrade Raúl Godoy, a leader of the ceramic workers’ trade union of Neuquén (SOECN) and a worker in the Zanon factory, which recently celebrated ten years under workers’ control. On December 10th, Godoy took office as a FIT deputy in the provincial parliament. It is the first time that a Trotskyist workers’ leader has become a deputy in Patagonia.<br />
These actions, and many more throughout the country, in which the PTS also participated, opened a day in which the working class showed its strength in its first big confrontation with the government for over a decade.<br />
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<b>The change in the political situation represents an historical opportunity for the Left</b><br />
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November 20th marked a change in the political situation. Between 2003 and 2009 the national situation was clearly not revolutionary and was characterised by the efforts of the Kirchner government to re-establish the authority of the state and the political regime, which had been in crisis since the 2001 rebellion. These were years of solid economic growth based on increasing demand in the world market for Argentinean exports. But in 2008 the agrarian bourgeoisie held back food from the cities, blockaded main roads and mounted demonstrations in an attempt to force the government to reduce the tariffs on agricultural exports. These actions weakened the government, whose Justicialista party fared badly in the mid-term elections. However, the government soon recovered ground after it introduced ‘child benefit’ for unemployed families.<br />
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Today, there is a new situation. The world crisis is making its presence felt and the Kirchner model is looking increasingly exhausted, which means that the revolutionary left, with its deeper penetration into the working class, has an historic opportunity: the possibility of constructing a workers’ left in Argentina which would prepare the basis for a revolutionary party. We are calling for a National Worker’s Assembly to discuss how to achieve ‘trade unions without bureaucrats and a workers’ party without bosses’. We want to discuss the building of a workers’ left with all anti-bureaucratic and class consciousness forces.<br />
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This is the context in which the call for the December 19th rally took place. It had many limitations: it did not build on the November 20th strike and neither was there any attempt to initiate a democratic debate in the workers’ movement on the way forward - although there were discussions in those workplaces where the left has a presence. Moyano and Micheli raised the same demands as on November 20th plus a call for the state to return the money it owes which had been paid into social security plans. The aim of the bureaucracy was to back up the bourgeois opposition rather than strengthen its hand in negotiations with the government.<br />
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But there is a huge gap between the aims of the trade union bureaucracy and the needs of the working class. Discontent with the bureaucracy, which has been growing since the 90s, has reached the point were a fissure is opening up between the workers and their trade union leadership, thus creating an opportunity for the left to mount a challenge. December 19th saw the masses take to the streets, placing a great responsibility on the left to provide a political alternative. Not to have taken part in the demonstration because it was not accompanied by a strike or because it was called by the trade union bureaucracy would have been sectarian.The PTS proposed that the groups that are part of the FIT march together to make a greater impact. This column, headed by dozens of workers' leaders, would enter the Plaza de Mayo as a combative, anti-bureaucratic, class consciousness left alternative.<br />
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The FIT, an alliance between the PTS, the Partido Obrero and Izquierda Socialista, has an important responsibility because in the last presidential elections in 2011 it obtained almost 600,000 votes and gained two provincial deputies in Neuquén and Córdoba. This was on a class struggle, anti-capitalist and class independence programme, as against other left unity campaigns which have adopted reformist programmes in an attempt to win seats.<br />
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However, the PO oscillated between the sectarianism of calling for non-participation in the December 19th march and the opportunism of only participating in order to get publicity for the FIT. These two positions have a common denominator: a pronounced electoralism which stresses media coverage but gives very little importance to building the left inside the workers’ movement. This also explains their limited influence inside the combative trade unions. The attitude of PO is becoming an obstacle to using the FIT as a springboard for the building of a revolutionary left in Argentina. For its part, Izquierda Socialista refused to form a unified column and ended up on the platform with Moyano and Micheli.<br />
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To ensure that combative trade unionism and the left had a strong presence in the Plaza de Mayo, the PTS marched behind a column of hundreds of workers carrying banners which read “Neither the Kirchner government nor the bosses’ opposition” and “For a plan of struggle to be voted in assemblies”.<br />
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We are now faced with the need to discuss the fight for political independence among sections of workers that are beginning to break with the government. We should also discuss with them the necessity of building our own workers’ party in order to make the capitalists pay for their own crisis, and the longer term aim of establishing a workers’ government.<br />
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The Left and Workers’ Front is a considerable achievement. With a view to future elections, its programme must be developed through a debate that clarifies and reaffirms its policy for the independence of the working class. But the tactical conquest that the FIT represents needs to be part of a strategic battle for the political independence of the working class.<br />
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Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-16930491324710213172013-01-14T02:26:00.000+02:002013-01-14T02:26:19.469+02:00Andreas Kloke: The Greek Crisis, SYRIZA and the Left <br />
Due to the ongoing, unrestrained attacks on working people by the European Union and IMF elites, and also by the Greek bourgeoisie, international attention rightly remains focused on Greece. For the worldwide left the question is whether Greece can find a way out of the crisis in an anti-capitalist direction. Because of its electoral success in May and June 2012 and its resultant leading role within the Greek Left, SYRIZA understandably is the party in which the progressive public is particularly interested. From November 30 to December 2, 2012, SYRIZA held a convention where the contours of its current line became more clear.<br />
DEA ("Internationalist Workers' Left") is an organization that emerged from a split in SEK, the Greek affiliate of the International Socialist Tendency, and which has been a member of SYRIZA since its founding in 2004. Kokkino ("Red") is a split from DEA and APO, a smaller split from Kokkino. KEDA is a group led by comrades excluded from the Communist Party of Greece in recent years. Those three organizations are part of SYRIZA. In the past, they rationalized all the maneuvers of the leadership (of which there were many), from the “left”, that is, with “left” arguments and vocabulary. Together with the not insignificant “Left Current” of the Synaspismos (SYN) party, they now form the “Left Platform” of SYRIZA. The Left Current supports the exit from the euro and from the EU, but has major illusions in the “parliamentary road to socialism”, failing to challenge the institutions of the bourgeois state. The new Left Platform can be seen as an “achievement” for the small semi-Trotskyist organizations. But it also amounts to an adjustment to clearly left-reformist ideas and concepts.<br />
An author of DEA has recently published a report on the SYRIZA congress. (1)<br />
The four essential points of the Left Platform mentioned in this report are quoted here:<br />
“a) SYRIZA must remain committed to winning a ‘government of the left,’ appealing at the same time to the Communist Party and ANTARSYA for collaboration.<br />
b) It should only accept a ‘government of the left’ and should rule out support for any coalition government that includes bourgeois parties.<br />
c) The coalition must continue to stand for an immediate end to payments on the debt; not a single sacrifice should be made for the Euro.<br />
d) SYRIZA must stand for reversing austerity by any means necessary - and putting workers' needs above the ‘realistic’ proposals to meet the needs of capitalism.”<br />
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<b>Weaknesses of the Left Platform</b><br />
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The “four points” of the Left Platform are programmatically very weak. The prospect of a “government of the left” implies a parliamentary orientation within the framework of the existing system. It is well known that the CPG (KKE) is absolutely against a coalition with SYRIZA. It is also very unlikely that ANTARSYA, in or out of parliament, will support the Alexis Tsipras leadership that follows an essentially “left capitalist”, softly Keynesian orientation and has just discovered the “fantastic” economic, social and political “achievements" of the “center-left” governments of da Silva (“Lula”) in Brazil and of Kirchner in Argentina.<br />
Tsipras continues to promise to pay off the debt. “We are no batahtsides” (people who do not pay their debts), he solemnly declared in September. Thus, it is not difficult to imagine what kind of policy will prevail in the case of a SYRIZA-led government. It will mean nothing less than an attempt to save Greek capitalism, in the context of world capitalism – however promoted as such “from the left”. Predictably, this will lead to a complete disaster, not only for such a “left government” itself, but especially for the affected workers and the majority of the population. It is completely irresponsible to fail to criticize this right-wing line of the Tsipras leadership in the strongest terms.<br />
Instead, the Left Platform argues evasively. It urges that SYRIZA should not “move to the right” and that “any turn toward moderation or a shifting of SYRIZA's politics would face serious internal resistance (!).” Strong words, but what do they mean in a situation where the political line of the SYRIZA leadership has already moved sharply to the right? It is nothing more than window dressing. It should be characterized as a transparent attempt to cover up the rightward shift of the leadership. And of course, that attitude threatens to betray the hopes and expectations of millions of people who yearn for a real social defense and for stopping the terrible and incessant attacks by government and the troika. It should be clear that this necessary criticism is not merely a "tactical question".<br />
Note that the first two of the “four points” of the Left Platform, concerning the “government of the left” and the refusal to include “bourgeois parties” in such a government, are almost identical. These two points, however, are silent on the simple truth that a SYRIZA-led government itself would be a “left bourgeois” government. The third point states that “the coalition must continue to stand for an immediate end to payments on the debt and not a single sacrifice should be made for the sake of the euro.” But anyone paying attention knows that the Tsipras majority has no intention of canceling debt payments.<br />
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<b>A trip to Latin America, and the march to the right</b><br />
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Tsipras explicitly stated his policy, and confirmed it when he travelled to Latin America in December. He praised the economic policies of da Silva (“Lula”) and his successor in the presidency, D. Rousseff, in Brazil, and those of Nestor and Cristina Kirchner in Argentina. Unfortunately, it is almost certain that the Left Platform - at least the organizations involved in it - will not break with the SYRIZA majority leadership, not even if such policies are implemented by a “left” government under Tsipras. Something similar happened in the years 2002-2003 when “Democracia Socialista” (DS), the former Brazilian section of the Fourth International, supported da Silva who had been elected Prime Minister and continued the application of neo-liberal concepts. DS even stooped to take ministerial posts and to collaborate in employing patently pro-capitalist policies.<br />
The fourth point, that “SYRIZA must stand for reversing austerity by any means necessary - and putting workers' needs above the ‘realistic’ proposals to meet the needs of capitalism”, is wishful thinking on the part of the authors. It means covering up the political line of the SYRIZA majority that consists basically in a mixture of neo-liberal and Keynesian ideas, from the “left”. In fact, the political substance and the programmatic content of the four points are very thin.<br />
It should be added that the organizations and groups that allegedly are to the left of the SYN party, mainly the Maoist KOE (“Communist Organization of Greece”), the largest organization in SYRIZA next to SYN, and the left-Euro-communist AKOA, the “Group Rosa” and others support the Tsipras leadership and refused to join the Left Platform. At least their behavior, as a capitulation to the SYN majority, was more honest than that of the Left Platform. At the same time it is an attempt to stabilize SYRIZA after the right turn that took place during the spring elections. The nearly 26% of the vote received by the Left Platform may look like a satisfactory result for a minority. In fact it means that all attempts to “revolutionize” SYRIZA or even to shift it a bit to the left, have failed.<br />
The more the SYRIZA leadership believes that it is heading towards government responsibility - or the more that this is actually the case - the more determined it is to move to the right and to leave no doubt that it will be a reliable partner of the elites in the EU and the world - and above all, be a “guarantor of the euro”, whatever the cost. In domestic affairs this means that increased cooperation with the CPG or ANTARSYA is not on the agenda. On the other hand, a coalition government with the current ruling parties, or possible spin-offs from DIMAR or even PASOK, is not ruled out and apparently is even welcome. SYRIZA thus increasingly has a profile that would be defined in earlier times as “classic social-democratic.”<br />
The conclusion is that the Left Platform is more like a “left” fig leaf of the openly pro-capitalist policies of the SYRIZA majority leadership, rather than a “centrist” unification attempt against the reformist Tsipras leadership. One distinction could be made: The Left Current in the SYN party, whose origins are mostly the CPG, was from the beginning that is since 1991, the left wing of a former Euro-communist party and now a basically “left” social democratic party. In this sense it remains “honest” and loyal to its understanding of politics. The case of the organizations that claim to be revolutionary is different: Those groups are more and more integrated into the factional disputes of a reformist party (or alliance), without being able to criticize the bureaucratic leadership and offer a politically and programmatically sound alternative. In any case, they do not criticize very much.<br />
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<b>The real alternative</b><br />
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It is therefore impossible to join SYRIZA “on a revolutionary basis” and to do revolutionary political work in it. Devotion to SYRIZA essentially means giving up on the necessary struggle for a truly anti-capitalist - revolutionary alternative to (left) reformism in Greece. That is one of the reasons why OKDE - Spartakos maintains its commitment to struggle for a revolutionary - Marxist perspective within the anti-capitalist alliance ANTARSYA and to advance the methodology of the transitional program, which is geared to the needs of our time.<br />
Four core demands of this approach are:<br />
a) Stop and cancel all debt payments.<br />
b) Nationalize the banks and large enterprises under workers’ control.<br />
c) This necessarily means, under the present conditions, exit the euro-zone and the EU, and<br />
d) Implement a program of public works, which will confront and solve the problem of unemployment and growing impoverishment. Of course, all this requires a radical internationalist perspective, part of the beginning of the socialist transformation that will be a European - and finally worldwide - question.<br />
Clearly, millions of people put their hopes in SYRIZA and believe that a “left government” could actually change the situation in their favor. They do this primarily as “voters”, and not so much as supporters of the anti-austerity resistance movement. On the streets, in the strikes and demonstrations, in the active anti-fascist committees, the influence of SYRIZA is very limited. One can say that the militant presence and influence of the CPG, of ANTARSYA, and of other anti-capitalist organizations in the anti-fascist activities, and also even that of the anarchists and autonomists, is stronger than that of SYRIZA.<br />
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<b>Instability of the situation</b><br />
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2011 was the year of the rising resistance movement against the memoranda (austerity) policies. In 2012 hopes for a “peaceful transition” through elections prevailed. But 2012 was also the year that witnessed the rise of the pro-Nazi “Golden Dawn” (GD). Opinion polls suggest that it currently has about 10% support. Therefore, the situation remains very unstable. The policies of the new tripartite government are bound to fail, but the ruling class has no political parties in reserve. It relies more and more on the authoritarian, repressive methods of a police state. The police, to a large extent, cover up the activities of GD. More and more people are forced into unemployment and despair. An exit from the crisis, a real solution is not in sight.<br />
An upturn of the resistance movement, and eventually a revolt similar to the “argentinazo” in 2001, are the only hope to pave the way for a truly anti-capitalist solution that poses the question of power by the appearance of self-organized committees in the factories, hospitals, schools and universities, and also in the municipal councils. Such a movement can challenge the rotten bourgeois democracy and the repressive state organs. The occupation of public buildings, factories and offices, hospitals, schools and universities, and an indefinite general strike belong in the repertoire of appropriate actions. Only in this way it will be possible to implement a genuine socialist solution to the crisis. At the same time there is a danger that the counterrevolution prevails, in whatever form. The unstable social and political balance that has existed since the imposition of the memoranda, cannot last forever.<br />
The tactical instrument of the anti-capitalist - revolutionary left to convince broad popular layers of this struggle perspective is the united front. It will be necessary to fight back against the capitalist, racist and profoundly anti-democratic memoranda policies alongside SYRIZA and the CPG and their supporters, wherever possible. Equally crucial is that new layers of workers, immigrants and youth wake up and take an active part in the fight. There is no other way, no other salvation. At the moment, one cannot accurately predict when and under what circumstances this break will occur. The anti-capitalist and revolutionary left has no choice but to orient their efforts to this prospect.<br />
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The anti-capitalist left in Europe and around the world should take a truly critical approach to SYRIZA. The promotion of illusions hinders not only the necessary class struggles in Greece, but also the construction of the international anti-capitalist - revolutionary left.<br />
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Note: (1) read - <a href="http://socialistworker.org/2012/12/19/where-is-syriza-headed">http://socialistworker.org/2012/12/19/where-is-syriza-headed</a><br />
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(Andreas Kloke, Athens 2013-01-03)<br />
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Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-73488252070119264912013-01-07T05:02:00.002+02:002013-01-07T05:02:45.268+02:00Juan Marino (TPR, Argentina): "December 20th: Against Moyano and Micheli. Down with Cristina’s Social Pact!"<br />
<b>POLITICAL DECLARATION OF TPR´S CENTRAL COMMITTEE (19/12/12)</b><br />
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#19-D: It isn’t a day of struggle for workers’ claims. It’s an apparatus act with the UCR, Ritondo´s PRO, Federal Peronism, Patricia Bullrich’s “Union para Todos”, Libres del Sur-FAP and the worst of the “caceroleros” from the 8N, with the mean to crush the left demonstration and the Argentinazo<br />
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<b>DECEMBER 20th: AGAINST MOYANO AND MICHELI</b><br />
<b>DOWN with CRISTINA’S SOCIAL PACT!</b><br />
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The left “that mobilizes on 19th and on 20th” is concealing the reactionary character of 19th demonstration and has agreed with the PCR that 20th demonstration will not denounce neither Moyano-Micheli nor Binner nor Cristina’s social pact. As TPR, we propose to mobilize on the 20th in a separate column against Cristina, the right and the FAP and to fight for a new class-struggle leadership of trade unions. This December 20th, the way out is to the left.<br />
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The first thing that any worker or left militant has to understand is that the act called by Moyano and Micheli’s bureaucracy for 19-D isn’t “the continuity of a struggle plan that started with the national strike on 20-N”. On the contrary, it's its reactionary denial that aims to crush the Argentinazo’s demonstration that has been organized by the left every December 20 for 11 years.<br />
That is because, on the 19-D activity, the workers’ fair claims (elimination of wage tax, 82% mobile for pensions, derogation of the antiterrorist law, an emergency increase for the retired, family salary, among others) won't take part of neither a national strike nor a struggle plan. They are just a decoration to defend the place of the bureaucracy “opposed to the government” inside Cristina’s social pact and to beautify bureaucracy’s electoral agreements for 2013 and 2015.<br />
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<b>MOYANO AND MICHELI MOΒILIZE ON 19-D TO BOYCOTT A NATIONAL STRIKE OR A STRUGGLE PLAN</b><br />
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Without going any further, a day before calling the demonstration, Micheli said: "strikes can't be made every month, so we are of the idea of organizing a demonstration" (Clarín, 03/12). This means that the bureaucracy made up the 19-D... in order not to call a strike and struggle plan! Even less can be thought that the day is "the continuity of a struggle plan" (as "Pollo" Sobrero said) when we realize the 19-D was also called against the mobilization of December 20. The reasons to justify the date were two. First, that a month after 20-N was right to do something because it had already passed enough time (that means, they had already boycotted the actual dynamics of a struggle plan). Second, because "the anniversary of 2001 is not what matters" (which means a political expropriation of the anniversary by a bureaucracy that was conspicuous by its absence on December 19 and 20, 2001).<br />
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In this direction (boycott the workers claims and strangulate the Argentinazo's anniversary), during a press conference Moyano said "after this demonstration we are going to initiate lawsuits all along the country, we are going to take the claim to the Justice", "we will become into “caranchos” (owls) and “buitres” (vultures)" (Perfil, 4/12). This means that the bureaucracy openly proclaims that they don’t pretend to develop a plan of struggle to win its claims, but they will “prosecute” the issue to take the claim out from the street.<br />
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ACCORDING TO MICHELI, WITH THE 19-D DEMONSTRATION “WE WILL PUT THE 8-N AND THE 20-N TOGHETHER". BY USING THE EUPHEMISM OF “CALLING THE MIDDLE CLASS”, THE BUREAUCRACY INTRODUCES THROUGH THE BACK DOOR THE PROGRAM OF THE RIGHT AND THE FAP IN DEFENSE OF CLARÍN, INDEPENDENT JUSTICE AND FREE DOLLAR<br />
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To understand the character of the 19-D demonstration is essential to understand this: it isn’t a mass demonstration as part of a plan of struggle or a national strike in the workplaces, but a demonstration of the trade union bureaucracy apparatus, that wants to finish with the cycle opened by the 20-N. This means that in the workplaces, the workers aren’t going to move, there will be no deliberation, fighting, pickets or political agitation. It’s, therefore, quite the opposite of what was the historical general strike of the 20-N. What at first time was a step forward (the demonstration to Plaza de Mayo as the last October 10th), after the 20-N they are nothing less than a total capitulation to the national government policy and a pledge of unity between the reactionary right and the FAP.<br />
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In fact, Micheli just noted in Clarín of December 12, that "we will be accompanied in the same column by the FUA and the Agrarian Federation, namely, the small producers and the students", that means, by the Franja Morada (UCR youth) and the former member of the agrarian capitalist “Mesa de Enlace”. In the same way, Micheli didn’t deprive himself of affirming that "several words of order are specifics of workers and retirees. But other are general, as the claim of an independent justice or that the Executive finish with the pressure to the judges. Also the claim of respect for individual freedoms, that this government is violating with the dollar curb, with the persecution of those who think differently and accusation of destabilizing to anyone who criticizes them. Also is general the claim of dialog to resolve problems such as insecurity, inflation and public transport" (idem). These statements appear in Ámbito Financiero on December 17 where he said "we also march against permanent pressure to the Justice and the Supreme Court. For the first time we have an important Court, which tries to have an independent Justice". All this is equivalent to completely denature the nature of the call… Two days before the 19-D and with no one voting that! ¡It’s a political fraud to the workers who go to the demonstration for their claims! Thus, the trade union bureaucracy reactionary and fully anti democratic maneuvers, are visible to all of us.<br />
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And, for his part, Moyano doesn’t lag behind: he has just announced the UCR presence (De La Rúa’s party) in the 19-D act in Plaza de Mayo, which confirms what we have been arguing from the TPR: the call of the trade union bureaucracy isn’t the continuity of a struggle plan that never existed, but a party meeting and a political act of the trade union bureaucracy. It’s a reactionary call to crush the historic demonstration of the left and the fighters of December 20th. The call for the 19-D has been made without consulting the workers, is the denial of the 20-N strike to subordinate to the right and the FAP cacerolazos. In short, it’s placed completely against the revolutionary perspective opened by the Argentinazo and for a right way out to the national political crisis.<br />
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<b>MOYANO AND MICHELI "FACE CRISTINA"... TO SUPPORT CANDIDATES OF THE ADJUSTMENT, THE RATE HIKE AND THE PAYMENT OF DEBT, AS SCIOLI-LAVAGNA, DE LA SOTA AND BINNER</b><br />
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Having said that the 19-D is all but a day of struggle for workers claims, we have to face the debate about the capitalist parties that call to the demonstration, the electoral politics of bureaucracy and the demonstration’s position against Cristina’s social pact.<br />
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Firstly, it should be noted that "Moyano vindicated the adhesion of the radicalism, after the meeting with Deputy Ricardo Alfonsin. We received the support of radicalism, with the Radical Workers Organization, the Federal Peronism, suburban people who have decided to participate in this demonstration. It’s an expression of the people because they see that their rights were violated" (Ámbito, 17/12). Secondly, that Libres del Sur will also be present, not to defend any popular claim but to “'stand against inflation and growing insecurity, respect for an independent Justice, federalism and individual liberty. Moreover, to oppose to the reform of the Nacional Constitution in order to favor the presidential re-reelection’ argued the libresuristas in a press release. In that column will also participate the national deputy Victoria Donda, Isaac ‘Yuyo’ Rudnik, from the Isepci, the ex candidate to legislator Laura González Velasco, Raquel Vivanco from Matria Latinoamericana, and Roberto Baigorria the general secretary from that party in the city of Rosario" (Ámbito, 18/12). Finally, "another sector of the ‘macrismo’ that will provide militants to the demonstration is the ‘Solano Lima’ from Cristian Ritondo". That is, the same that guaranteed the deal PRO-K with the city's budget, made the video about the tendinitis attacking the subway workers, now they are putting the anti-worker transfer from the subway and dealt together with the Huracan hooligans to guarantee the fascist gangs that attacked our fellows in the occupation of the Parque Indoamericano. Therefore, the reactionary nature of the demonstration is evident wherever you look. We are not talking about a number of popular claims demagogically taken by the right against the government that the left must support to take advantage from the clashes between the capitalist parties (eg: mobile 82% for pensions) but a reactionary act where the least important thing is the fight for the workers’ claims.<br />
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Moreover, at the same time that they called to the demonstration, December was full of agreements and electoral maneuvering of the bureaucracy. Moyanoism, far from fighting against the government for demands, is looking for relocate himself in relation with the candidatures for 2013 and 2015. In order to achieve this he’s already presented his own dull version of ‘PT’ (Production and Work Party). Ámbito of December 17th portrays it this way: “during summer the organization will have to solve its first political crossroads: bet for the ex Economy minister Roberto Lavagna as face for Buenos Aires City, with whom Moyano had a meeting last week, or for the filmmaker Fernando Pino Solanas, who has a good dialogue with the truck drivers colleagues. Between the economist sponsors there’re members of Moyano’s closed circle, as Argüello and Julio Piumato (judicial), who took part of last week meeting. On the other hand, two leaders with quite more political profile inside opposite CGT, as Juan Carlos Schmidt (dredging) and Omar Plaini (newspaper delivery), are inclined for Solanas. About the projection of Moyano’s son, he admitted: «Facundo is a young comrade and a great political leader. His candidature won’t be strange» to second a political face in a presidential formula. Facundo Moyano himself has his own negotiations and went to Scioli’s presentation for 2015 saying “here you breathe peronism” (Perfil, 1/12). It isn’t new: long ago Pablo Moyano had said that “If in 2015 comrade Scioli is candidate, certainly we would be supporting and working for him” (Infobae, 08/06).<br />
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Meanwhile, Venegas “took distance from a possible presidential candidature of Buenos Aires governor, Daniel Scioli, about whom he said he has a ‘lot of respect, but who have been nine years with this government policy, aren’t prepared’. He admitted he could support the presidential poses of Córdoba’s governor, José Manuel De la Sota, and Hugo Moyano’s one” (Cronista, 15/12). At the same time, on December 11th, in La Nación, it’s written that “the leader of rural workers and titular of Fe party, Gerónimo Venegas, and the ex-economy minister of Nestor Kirchner, Roberto Lavagna, agreed yesterday to work ‘in a common agenda’ from the dissident peronism to avoid a new reelection of president Cristina Kirchner. Lavagna and Venegas, the third on the rank of Hugo Moyano’s CGT, did an agreement to move forward a ‘justicialist alternative’ for 2015”. Micheli, on the other hand, is playing in the infighting of the FAP, with his organization, leaded by De Gennaro (Unidad Popular). This shows that, as well as in extreme occasions as were the ones of Vandor or Ubaldini, the trade union bureaucracy can brake or be strongly opposed with a ruling government, but by any way it can break with all capitalist variants and less with the capitalist system itself.<br />
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<b>MOYANO AND MICHELI WANT TO PROTECT THE PLACE OF OPPOSITION BUREAUCRACY INSIDE CRISTINA’S SOCIAL PACT</b><br />
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Precisely, in the furious capitalist character of trade unions bureaucracy it is the key of the matter. Facing the social pact of prices and wages that Guillermo Moreno (Commerce Secretary), Debora Giorgi (Industry Minister) and Noemí Rial (Vice-Minister of Labor) are trying to rebuild, the true intentions of trade union bureaucracy can be seen.<br />
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On one hand, “Moyano warned that ´he will not accept any pact´ of the CGT aligned with the government (…) the leader of the opposition-oriented CGT, Hugo Moyano, warned this afternoon that ´he won’t accept any wage agreement done´ by the trade union aligned with the government, which is leaded by Antonio Caló. (…) ´Collective agreements are free or they are not collective agreements, and all of us and all of our trade unions are going to discuss the collective agreement as it has to be´ noted the truck driver regarding the negotiations when he was going into the meeting of the Federal Central Committee of the opposition-oriented CGT” (La Nación, 10/12). Therefore, Moyano is not against a social pact in general, but he is against that the government is negotiating with the UIA and CGT Caló. The problem is that Moyano wants to be included as a representative of the Argentinian trade union bureaucracy. Ultimately, it is about his part of power to negotiate with the capitalists.<br />
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That´s why, in an article in Los Andes (December 14th), Moyano justifies this reactionary position: “Moyano rejects this social pact because of ´lack of official guarantee´ (…) ´We are worried because they are saying they are going to negotiate wages in a social pact. Truck drivers don´t want anybody negotiating our salaries for us´ he said. ´Social Pact was possible in 1974, when the general secretary of the CGT was José Ignacio Rucci, because there was a respect framework: the president was Juan Domingo Perón’ he stated. (…) ´Today Perón is not here and there is no official guarantee. What official guarantee can we have when the Indec lies us and national government takes the money from our medical services!?´said Moyano. ´State owes 400 million pesos to Truck Drivers Federation and 500 million to the Buenos Aires Trade Union´, he shot. And to end he said: ´We have the moral authority to say to the national government that it has to stop taking the money of the workers and putting at risk the only capital of a worker, that is, his health´”. The same reactionary refrain is in other media as statements of people around him: “Hugo supported it (the Social Pact) in the past, but in the framework of a unified CGT. What agreement can have the strength without the sign of all of our trade unions, which are in the other side?”. In other words, get the money of the medical services back and call for a negotiation and then CGT Moyano will end the strikes.<br />
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Those were exactly the words of Venegas who, consulted by La Nación about the 19-D demonstration, declared: "the national government must convene the Hugo Moyano´s CGT to a negotiating table to stop the protests and analyze trade union claims". In the same newspaper it´s written that "Venegas said that in case that it doesn’t happen, it could happen as in the 1980s when the CGT chief Saul Ubaldini made 13 strikes to Alfonsín's government" and "we do not know the strikes we are going to do". Faced with such a rumpus, the Micheli-CTA has chosen not to deliver an opinion. Therefore, without intention to misunderstand, the truth is that until Micheli speaks out against them, he’s entirely supportive with moyanoism statements.<br />
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That's the reason why neither Moyano nor Micheli denounce the social pact and therefore they don’t develop a struggle plan to combat Cristina’s adjustment: capitalists’ political blocks to which they are associated also apply the adjustment! De La Sota, Scioli, Binner, they are the adjustment governors. That’s why the 19D doesn’t raise the fight against the payment of the debt, against the adjustment, against Cristina´s social pact. The trade unionist opposition against kirchnerism, can be the bureaucracy that doesn’t raise these claims? The same bureaucracy that in 2012 betrayed the collective agreements? Since Moyano and Micheli betray collective agreements and boycott the launching of the struggle plan posed by the 20N, a unified trade unionist opposition against the adjustment doesn’t exist. The only thing that remains on foot is if we adapt to the capitalist and the right behind Moyano and Micheli or if we combat them in order to open an independent path against the trade union bureaucracy and with the left.<br />
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<b>LEFT FRONT: LESS THIS WAY (ASÍ MENOS). THE PTS (FT-CI) AND IZQUIERDA SOCIALISTA (IS – UIT-CI) PUT THE FIT AND THE PO (CRCI) BEHIND THE TRADE UNION BUREAUCRACY</b><br />
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In this context, the Frente de Izquierda y de los Trabajadores (FIT – Left and Workers Front) showed that it is in a process of decomposition and paralysis: the morenoists (IS and PTS) rushed headlong into the demonstration of the trade union bureaucracy, without a word about the demonstration of the 20th, that is LIQUIDATING THE ARGENTINAZO DEMONSTRATION and making silence about the anti-left and anti-piquetero nature of the trade union bureaucracy calling. Both organizations characterize it as an "opportunity" for classism, while the day of struggle of the 20th just doesn’t exist.<br />
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However, the FIT won’t even go into a unified and separate column of the demonstration of the 19D. The PTS spent all the week lying with an invitation to a column called "class-struggle unionism" to hide the fact that IS won’t go with him but, as it is tradition, will dissolve itself going with the rest of the bureaucracy because the alleged "champions of left unity" (IS) considered sectarian and artificial that the left goes to the demonstration differentiated from the bureaucracy. The PO, which joined later to 19th, after a right and opportunist turn of their leadership, don’t fixed a position about what should the FIT do, as until the day before they were worried justifying to its militants why the PO was getting out of the demonstration of 20th and putting all its forces on the 19th.<br />
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Therefore the FIT, again, hasn’t a common column (as has happened repeatedly in the recent months) and directed by the morenoists, will go to a pro-imperialist, pro-capitalists parties, bureaucratic and anti-workers demonstration. And worse, if in that demonstration a FIT column of "last minute" should be formed, it would be a mutual concealment between the FIT parties and not an expression of a call and a frontist work on trade unions against the bureaucracy.<br />
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<b>A SCHOOL OF MORENOIST OPPORTUNISM AND DUPLICITY: THE 19-D, THE PTS GOES TO THE DEMONSTRATION WITH THE AGRARIAN FEDERATION, THE UCR, THE PRO, THE FEDERAL PERONISM AND PATRICIA BULLRICH WITHOUT MAKING ANY STRIKE</b><br />
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The PTS, nervous to justify their participation, pose it as an expression of the need to be part of "all united front that strength the forces of the working class" (LVO, 13/12). So, for the PTS a united front with the UCR against the piquetero day of December 20th will “strength the forces of the working class". The morenoism is not a good gymnastic routine. At the same time they say that "the demonstration called by Hugo Moyano and Pablo Micheli of the CGT and CTA (against the government) for this 19-D is call with the same progressive demands of the 20N strike" (LVO, 13/12). It’s pathetic how a slogan can confuse the PTS (and its attempts to mislead the workers), because PTS is not able to understand the NATURE of a day, which transcends (and gives concrete and real expression) to its claims.<br />
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The PTS policy is an explicit symptom of its morenoist policy, which combines strongly the opportunism and sectarianism. When on October 10th, Micheli’s CTA called to a national strike and demonstration with the Moyano’s CGT, focused on the working class demands, the PTS refused to dispute in the demonstration because the Agrarian Federation (FAA) also took part in it. However, this demonstration opened a course for the left and the fighters to pose a struggle plan, and in this context was that the bureaucracy of Moyano and Micheli launched the call to the strike. Impacted by the 20-N day, now the PTS turned 180º burying vilely all its supposed principles and now, from one day to another, they discover the importance of the "united front" (that is for them, tailing the bureaucracy by pure morenoist vocation); but in Kraft and Zanón, on 20N they couldn’t guarantee the strike. Those who throw up their hands in horror because of going to a demonstration with the FAA on October 10th, or the UCR on March 24th, now retract themselves and are 'more moyanoists than Moyano'.<br />
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<b>PARTIDO OBRERO: FROM PROMOTING THE DECEMBER 20TH DEMONSTRATION BECAUSE “THE 19TH HAS A REACTIONARY POLITICAL OUTLOOK” TO “THE PO MARCHES ON THE 19TH AND THE 20TH LET`S DO WHAT WE CAN”</b><br />
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As a counterpart, the Partido Obrero, who started a political battle for the calling and defence of the demonstration on December 20th, was the only Argentinian left party that, as well as the TPR did, characterized accurately what the 19-D demonstration mean. PO stated: “the call for the demonstration to the next 19th shouldn`t trick anyone. The lack of a struggle plan since the first demonstration against the wage tax six month ago is a demonstration that the workers claim are a secondary element for the three who call the demonstration. Their true goal is to contribute to the development of a political front against kirchnerism, which goes from PRO to Proyecto Sur (Prensa Obrera, December 13th). This underlined that PO is revolutionary, unlike the rest of the left. But, after that, PO turned and changed its position in order to capitulate in the face of the morenoist position. This shows that, as we announced when it was created, the FIT was founded as a pact against Partido Obrero, and PO itself is having an anticapitalist turn that the FIT boosts carrying the morenoist pressure. PO´s militants know this, in one way or another. They know the calling for going to the demonstration “the 19th and the 20th” is a sham because, with anger they have told us that “despite my desire to go the 20th, the pose of the Central Committee is that we go the 19th”.<br />
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Moreover, the other side of the coin of its opportunist position about going the 19th was the will to destroy the demonstration of the 20th calling for “a Partido Obrero´s rally”. Finally, because of the pressure of the rest of the left (PR-ml, MAS, TPR, CORREPI, ASAMBLEAS DEL PUEBLO, RyR, among others) we achieved a “united” demonstration, which, because of the responsibility of PO and PTS… ended up in a pact with PCR in order not to denounce Micheli and Moyano. So PO goes the 20th with PCR after also going the 19th. This makes sense as a continuity of PO's latest positions. On the 20N they didn't call for a demonstration to Plaza de Mayo because Moyano and Micheli had decided to call it off. They also haven't done anything at all against the debt payment: they didn't take part of the act that the TPR organized on the 14D at Plaza de mayo, when Cristina paid the biggest amount ever since 2001.<br />
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In these conditions, the FIT and PO didn´t pass the test of the eleventh anniversary of the Argentinazo, neither of the fight against the popular front of the bureaucracy. What it is true is that they agreed anything with the PCR around the demonstration of 20D just in order to avoid being outside a “united December 20th”. The leaderships of PO and PTS need to say they march the 20th to achieve the task of making their militancy to accept the pro-imperialist calling of the 19D. This has to be discussed by each and every comrade of the FIT, militants and supporters, in order to put on foot the Coordinating Committee in Defense of the FIT.<br />
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<b>THE PCR GOES THE 20D TO BLOCK THE DENOUNCE AGAINST MOYANO-MICHELI, BINNER, AND CRISTINA´S SOCIAL PACT, AND ALSO TO AVOID THE STRUGGLE TO OVERTHROW ALPEROVICH</b><br />
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PCR and MST are within the calling organizations for the 19th demonstration, not only as part of Proyecto Sur, but also as a part of the bureaucracy of Micheli´s CTA. They took part in the press conference that announced the march and since long time ago they are the left wing of that popular front. They support the demonstrations like the 8N (Izquierda Socialista also did it) and they collaborate, therefore, with the building of a capitalist unified opposition as Capriles’ one.<br />
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That´s why the PCR, that didn´t have in mind being part of the December 20th demonstration, finally decided to do it. PCR national leadership justified this regarding a crisis with the Capital branch. However, beyond this, what is true is that they took part and their role was to avoid the denounce against Moyano´s and Micheli´s trade-union bureaucracy. In the organization meeting for the Argentinazo demonstration they stated that both bureaucracies are “allies for revolution”. This way, the word “trade union bureaucracy” as a workers struggle restraint loses any sense. They also blocked the denounce against Binner (responsible of the murderers of “Pocho” Leprati in Rosario and member of the Aliancist government in 2001), leader of the FAP, with whom Proyecto Sur wants to get an agreement towards 2013. Facing that, PO and PTS capitulated, without any discussion neither denounces in its own newspapers. Also, PCR was opposite to put the slogan “Down with Alperovich” that, along with the Partido Obrero, we boosted in the meeting. They said that they “don´t have a position yet”.<br />
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PCR is trying to achieve a support from Moyano to Pino Solanas in Buenos Aires city (Schmidt and Plaini also support this) and that´s why it doesn´t want to denounce the Social Pact. Moyano doesn´t denounce it either because he wants to negotiate in his own terms. In conclusion, the taken over of the 20D rally done by the PCR WITH THE FIT shows that there is a block of the centrist left and of the bureaucratic left with the aim of neutralize the 20th demonstration. This is the same left that did nothing about the anniversary of the Parque Indoamericano.<br />
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This is why “piqueteros’” claims weren´t added in the 20D demonstration. Opposite to that, from the TPR we demand the incorporation of the claims for home, urbanization, against power cuts, water and for registered Argentina Trabaja and for all. It is not casual either, that they didn´t want to denounce the Cristina´s Social Pact, as Micheli hasn´t set position yet and Moyano wants a place in the negotiations. The FIT´s left, in conclusion, is not able to face the Moyano´s and Micheli´s left because it considers a tactical non-aggression agreement in order to fight against kirchnerism. They are wrong. It is just the opposite. In order to contribute to the separation of the masses from the kirchnerism, the left has to be the first to attack the rightwing parties and the FAP.<br />
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<b>IN ORDER TO CRITIZE THE 19D, YOU HAVE TO BE ON THE STREETS THE 20D: THE TRUE OPOSITION TO MOYANO-MICHELI IS THE REVOLUTIONARY LEFT, NOT THE KIRCHNERISM THAT IS PREPARING THE SOCIAL PACT</b><br />
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What the left doesn´t understand is that in order to capitalize the breakdown of the masses with the kirchnerist government, the left has to set a strong political delimitation with Moyano and Micheli, rather than a “critical support” that only allows the kirchneristas to be the firsts in the denounce against the bureaucracy and pretend to appear as a popular option against its agreements with the right and the FAP.<br />
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This is the case of the conference called by the Relatives of Disappeared and Detained for Political Reasons in order to repudiate that the demonstration of Moyano and Micheli is going to be developed the same day that “our people remember those painful days of 2001”. In that sense they said that “for us it hurts that in a commemoration date for loving people that is not with us anymore, a demonstration is called saying nothing about the memory of what happened those days, and moreover, in the Plaza de Mayo”. The relatives also criticized the UCR, because that year it was the ruling party, with Fernando De La Rúa as the president. Regarding that, they repudiate that the demonstration called by Moyano and Micheli was accompanied by the UCR because that party “never asked forgiveness to our people, neither recognized their responsibility in the murderers, nor criticized their own role in the damage against our country”. The same was said by Daffunchio, from the MTD Anibal Verón, and Luis D´Elia, who pointed out that “neither Micheli nor Moyano were in the streets on December 19th 2001”. In that regard, he stated that “Micheli was in the national bureau of the CTA where I also was and he, and together with Victor De Gennaro they were against participating in that historical day” (Ámbito, 18/12).<br />
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Another example are the 800 delegates and half of the leadership of ATE Capital, who state that “alliances with groups that have interests far away from ours, the workers ones. They pretend a theatre according to their electoral aims towards 2013, trying to drag us with some fair slogans for the workers” (Página 12, December 18th). And it is also the case of Palazzo (bank workers linked to Moyano that decided not to go the 19D). In the statement of La Bancaria they say that “we don’t and will not take part in decisions taken without the necessary discussion within the organization that could be mixed with party interests or involve groups that want to divide the trade union movement” (AFP Digital, December 17th).<br />
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All these critics that come from different expressions of the kirchnerism don’t have a core element: they don´t make their own vindication of the Argentinazo, neither denounce Cristina´s Social Pact. Even worse, La Bancaria pointed that “it doesn´t exists a call to a necessary agreement or social pact in order to consolidate the economic and social improvements of the last years, it’s necessary to point that we have the disposal to participate in the effort to overcome the differences, doing the expressly clarification that that pact has to be wider than a prices-and-wages pact” (Ámbito, 14/12). That is, their critic is in order to vindicate Cristina and, so, her negative to satisfy all the workers’ claims.<br />
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That´s why we fiercely warn the workers about hearing these hypocrite positions of the kirchnerists organizations because the only ones who can critic the 19D demonstration are those who go the 20D and, in that line, we call all those who reject the 19D with a left view to come to the demonstration of the 20D with the left against Moyano-Micheli and their agreements with the UCR, the right and the FAP.<br />
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<b>THE CHALLENGE OF THE 20TH: LET´S RAISE A SEPARATE COLUMN AGAINST CRISTINA, THE RIGHT AND THE FAP, IN ORDER TO STRUGGLE FOR A NEW CLASS-STRUGGLE LEADERSHIP OF TRADE UNIONS. THIS DECEMBER 20TH, THE WAY OUT IS TO THE LEFT.</b><br />
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As we have explained all along this text, this eleventh anniversary of the Argentinazo has clarified the strategy and tactic of the left in Argentina to face the world capitalist bankruptcy. The same left which criticizes European left because of “dissolving itself behind the strike gymnastic”, quickly dissolved itself behind Moyano and Micheli in the face of a pretended struggle plan which never comes. Outstanding were the actuation of the Movimiento Socialista de los Trabajadores (MST) and the Partido Comunista Revolucionario (PCR) as the most reactionary, who consciously pave the way for bureaucracy against the left.<br />
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In this regard, the Frente de Izquierda y los Trabajadores (FIT) wasn´t an alternative and was dragged with Izquierda Socialista (IS) ahead behind the bureaucracy. The Partido de los Trabajadores Socialistas (PTS) showed such a duplicity and hypocrisy that must appeal everybody to a strategic reflection about its morenoism. The Partido Obrero (PO), in the first place leaded the political struggle for an independent December 20th but finally was dragged by the FIT to the reactionary demonstration and ended trying to boycott the unity rally of December 20thby doing their own rally… and then they did it united with PCR and so they put off any political denounce to trade unions bureaucracy.<br />
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The only honorable exception we can mention in this situation is the new Partido de la Causa Obrera (PCO) and CORREPI that, despite of being sectarian because they equal the rising course that set the demonstration of October 10th with de demonstration of 19-D which closes the process of 20-N, they had the virtue of calling for demonstration on December 20th to pose left as an alternative against kirchnerist government and against all variants of trade unions bureaucracy. That´s why we, the TPR, call PCO, CORREPI and all left which denounce the reactionary character of the demonstration of 19-D (this includes PO that goes to the 19thbut is still posing this political denounce) to build an independent column. Prisma-Estrella Roja, arguing that they can’t have a national policy to correct the bankruptcy of left, decided to “overcome” this… denying the need to build the Coordinating Committee in Defense of the FIT and going behind Moyano and Micheli the 19-D, like the rest of the left.<br />
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As Tendencia Piquetera Revolucionaria, we call all fighters to march on December 20th against Cristina, the right and the FAP. Let’s go for a new class-struggle leadership of trade unions to set up a general strike and a struggle plan for:<br />
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1. DOWN WITH THE SOCIAL PACT OF CRISTINA! // 2. AGAINST MOYANO AND MICHELI, LETS GO FOR A NEW STRUGGLE-CLASS LEADERSHIP OF TRADE UNIONS // 3. FOR A UNITED FRONT AGAINST ADJUSTMENT, RATE HIKES AND FOR NOT PAYING THE EXTERNAL DEBT // 4. DOWN WITH THE OCCUPATIONAL ACCIDENT INSURANCES (ARTS) // 5. NOT TO THE WAGE TAX // 6. 82% MOBILE FOR PENSIONS // 7. REOPEN WAGE NEGOTIATIONS // 8. EXTRA PAY FOR THE END OF THE YEAR // 9. WAGE EQUAL TO BASIC FAMILY PROVISIONS // 10. UNIVERSALIZATION OF FAMILY ASIGNATIONS // 11. UNIVERSALIZATION AND PERMANENT STAFF FOR ALL THE PLANES ARGENTINA TRABAJA // 12. STOP POWER AND WATER CUTS. FOR A HOUSING PLAN UNDER NEIGHBOUR AND POPULAR ORGANIZATIONS CONTROL // 13. DOWN WITH ANTIEDUCATIVE REFORMS AND LAWS // 14. LEGAL, SAFE AND FREE RIGHT TO ABORTION // 15. DOWN WITH THE ANTITERRORIST LAW // 16. MEDIA LAW = FRONT MAN LAW. LETS GO FOR THE EXPROPIATION OF THE BIG MEDIA UNDER WORKER AND POPULAR CONTROL // 17. JUSTICE FOR MARITA VERÓN! DOWN WITH ALPEROVICH AND HIS JUDGES! // 18. NOT TO SUBWAY’S TRANSFER. DOWN WITH METROVIAS. NATIONALIZATION UNDER WORKER AND POPULAR CONTROL // 19. NO TO MACRI-CRISTINA´S PACT // 20. FOR A COORDINATING COMMITTEE IN DEFENSE OF THE FIT. FOR A WORKERS GOVERNMENT<br />
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<b>JUAN MARINO</b><br />
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<b>ON BEHALF OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE TENDENCIA PIQUETERA REVOLUCIONARIA (TPR)</b><br />
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<u>GLOSSARY OF TERMS</u><br />
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<b>CGT</b>: “Confederación General del Trabajo” – Work General Confederation. Main union in the country recently divided into two fractions: its Kirchnerist fraction (led by Caló) and its opposition fraction (led by Moyano).<br />
<b>CTA</b>: “Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina” – Argentinian Workers Union. Union formed in 1991 by sectors of peronism and the center-left. In 2010, after the development of fraudulent elections, it was divided into two sectors: on one hand, the CTA-Yasky (Kirchnerist) and CTA-Micheli (opposition).<br />
De la Rúa: President of Argentina, by the UCR, from 1999 to 2001, when he was overthrown by Argentinazo.<br />
<b>UCR</b>: First petty bourgeois party of masses in Argentina, prior to Peronism. Participated in the oligarchic electoral fraud and integrated into imperialism. It instigated several military dictatorships. Under Menem’s government, it took part in the Olivos Pact to enable Menem’s re-election. It was overthrown by the Argentinazo. It is a member of the Second International with the Argentine Socialist Party and Greek PASOK.<br />
<b>PRO</b>: Rightwing party emerged in 2005. It governs Buenos Aires City from then until now and is led by businessman Mauricio Macri. It belongs to the International Democrat Union, founded at the time by Margaret Thatcher, Helmut Kohl, Jacques Chirac and George W. Bush.<br />
Patricia Bullrich: Ex Minister of Labour in De la Rua’s government. Currently, she is national deputy for “Unión para Todos”, rightwing political organization coming from the “Coalición Cívica” of Elisa Carrio.<br />
<b>Libres del Sur</b>: Political organization previously known as "Patria Libre". Its leadership comes from the PRT-ERP headed by Mario Santucho. It was part of Izquierda Unida with Stalinism and Morenoism. It’s a nationalist organization with presence in the piquetero movement. It integrated into the Kirchner government shortly after his assumption. After the crisis between Kirchner and agrarian capital, it joined the political field of the pro-imperialist center-left, integrating the FAP.<br />
<b>FAP:</b> Center-left coalition, pro-imperialist and soybean led by the Partido Socialista. It came second in the last election, with 17%, having Hermes Binner as their candidate for president.<br />
<b>8-N:</b> The 8-N was a massive and historic popular protest of 2 million people around the country that ended appropriating cacerolazos, to express their anger against the national crisis. The mobilization program was determined by the openly rightist participants. The slogans were against re-election, insecurity or inflation -all of them that didn`t postulated any concrete solution and the only solution was a clamor operation synthesized in the slogan "opposition appear". What these right participants promote is to develop a tendency "like Capriles" and unify all capitalist opposition against Cristina. It’s a reactionary pose that seeks better conditions for the development of a right way out to the national pre-revolutionary situation. The claim of "Cristina listen", posed by the 8-N, contains opposite perspectives and outputs because on one hand, expresses a popular agenda postponed by the government and on the other, the claim of the bourgeoisie itself appealing to a turn inside Kirchnerism to impose its agenda. In turn, claiming Cristina to "listen" under the 8-N driven by the right and the FAP is not a minor detail because the capitalist character of the day gives it a right bias. Here is the case, for example, of voters who voted for the government (or even for the FIT) and then participated in the cacerolazo of the opposition pro-imperialist parties. In this sector of the protesters, however, lies the most interesting politically band because, although minority, it raises the possibility of joining with the 20-N and the workers' struggle against the government. However, this sector was dissolved and didn’t contrast their demands to the rest of the cacerolazo because they denied the role of pro-imperialist opposition in the call of the day and, in fact, didn’t identify with the national strike on 20-N because they wanted to "reclaim as citizens." Behind that "civic imposture" hides the rejection of a proletarian exit and dissimulation of one's claims behind capitalist variants. The task of the left in this complex political situation was waging a political and socialist struggle to separate this leftist and popular basis that, confusingly, legitimately claimed in the middle of this right call. Faced with this political dispute to see who occupies the streets, as Tendencia Piquetera Revolucionaria (TPR), we made a public agitation against the 8-N and therefore we went to discuss with the workers and popular sectors present in it with a flyer entitled "the solution to the crisis is left, never right."<br />
<b>Moyano:</b> General Secretary of the CGT not aligned to the government (CGT-Moyano). Its principal basis is in truckers. He was Kirchnerist until 2011 and he also was the President of the PJ of Buenos Aires Province. He’s a member of the Peronist right.<br />
<b>Micheli:</b> General Secretary of the CTA not aligned to the government (CTA-Micheli). Its principal basis is in state workers. He takes part in the Corriente Nacional por la Unidad Popular, which is member of FAP.<br />
<b>Binner:</b> Candidate for President for the FAP in 2011. PS (Socialist Party) leader. He was part of the Alliance government that led De la Rúa to the presidency. He co-governs Santa Fe with UCR servicing soya capitalists.<br />
<b>Cristina:</b> Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner. She was the President of Argentina from 2007 to 2011 and was reelected in 2011, with a mandate until 2015, by 54%. She is the successor and wife of the deceased Nestor Kirchner (President of Argentina from 2003 to 2007). The Kirchner regime is characterized as a soya assembler that turns fiscal resources to pay the foreign debt and subsidies to capitalists while promoting labor outsourcing and supporting the union bureaucracy. She assumed in 2003 to divert the Argentinazo open process.<br />
<b>20-N:</b> November 20, 2012. It was the first national strike against Kirchner government, organized by the trade union opposition, mainly, CGT-Moyano and CTA-Micheli. That day, Micheli and Moyano suspended the march to Plaza de Mayo, where are the headquarters of the national government, because of its policy against confronting Cristina and defending workers’ claims. While the FIT accepted the suspension of the demonstration and adapted to the bureaucracy, the TPR didn`t give up the call and made its own act in Plaza de Mayo.<br />
<b>FUA:</b> “Federación Universitaria Argentina” – Argentinian University Federation, composed by students’ federations of every university in the country. Currently, it’s led by Franja Morada, UCR’s youth.<br />
<b>Federación Agraria (FAA):</b> organization of agrarian capitalists, member of the “Mesa de Enlace” (Liaison Board).<br />
<b>Mesa de Enlace:</b> block of four agrarian capitalist entities formed in 2008 to oppose the government of Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner by the right. This block confronted Kirchnerism posing the elimination of export taxes on soybeans, in opposition to the government of Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner who had tried to increase soybean exports to guarantee payment of the foreign debt and subsidies to capitalists. We opposed both capitalist blocs.<br />
<b>OTR:</b> Union grouping of the UCR.<br />
<b>Peronismo Federal:</b> PF. Block of governors and parliamentarians from the right soybean, members of Peronism (Partido Justicialista, PJ) that separated from Kirchnerism in 2008.<br />
<b>Pino Solanas:</b> National Deputy for Proyecto Sur and leader of that movement. Sympathized with kirchnerism until 2008, when he made choice for agrarian capital. Currently, he’s looking to reach an agreement with Binner due to the elections of 2013 and 2015.<br />
<b>Daniel Scioli:</b> Is underway his second term as governor of the main Province of Argentina, Buenos Aires. He was vice president of Néstor Kirchner. Has already launched his candidacy for 2015 and is starring in an internal political crisis in the PJ with the current President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner. Scioli aims to take advantage of Kirchnerism crisis from within the government itself merging with Peronist right and Moyano’s bureaucracy.<br />
<b>Venegas:</b> Gerónimo “Momo”. He’s General Secretary of the National Union of Agricultural Laborers (UATRE) since 1990. Member of the Peronist right, linked to Peronismo Federal, and member of the CGT-Moyano.<br />
<b>Ubaldini:</b> Saúl. He was General Secretary of CGT between 1986 and 1990.<br />
<b>Vandor:</b> Augusto. Metallurgical Peronist bureaucrat from 1950 to 1969. He posed “Peronism without Perón" and was looking for compromise with the military dictatorship of the time. He was assassinated in 1969.<br />
<b>Caló:</b> Antonio. General Secretary of the CGT-Kirchner. He comes from the metallurgical bureaucracy.<br />
<b>UIA:</b> “Unión Industrial Argentina” – Argentina Industrial Union, main capitalist camera of Argentina.<br />
<b>INDEC:</b> “Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos” – Statistics and Census National Institute. It depends on the Economy Minister, and is located in the centre of national and international controversy since 2007 when Kirchnerism intervened it through a gang to hide the fact that salaries don’t adjust according to inflation of prices.<br />
<b>Rucci:</b> José Ignacio. He was General Secretary of the CGT from 1970 to 1973. He represented the Peronist right and was killed by the Montoneros.<br />
Perón: Juan Domingo. He was a bourgeois nationalist military that developed an anti-imperialist movement supported by the mobilization of the masses in Argentina. He expanded trade unions, based on crushing the previously existent classism. That classism was politically unable to face the emergence of a nationalist movement in a backward country because of its Stalinist character (PC) or social democratic (PS). It was from there that regimented unions under his command, forming a Peronist union bureaucracy. The first time he ran for elections was in 1946. He called workers for voting him under the slogan “Braden o Perón”, since Braden, U.S. Ambassador, supported the Democratic Union, a coalition between the UCR, the extinct Conservative Party, the PS and the Communist Party. His policy was based on containing labor mobilization in the frames of the capitalist system as a factor to negotiate with imperialism. In fact, in 1947, Perón subscribes TIAR under the guardianship of Braden that submits Argentina to Yankee diplomacy. Peronism is irreversibly exhausted because it has given all it could and in this long agony was convoked by the Argentina national bourgeoisie to take away even the minimum that could have given in its rise period. For new generations Peronism will be remembered as the one that destroyed labor conventions, robbed retirees and finished demolishing retirement, destroyed job security and knelt before imperialism partnering even in slaughter operations prompted by the Yankees. That is, Menemism. Its limits are determined by its class character: being a bourgeois nationalist movement in an oppressed country, it hints national tasks and satisfies worker claims, but it isn’t able to take them in-depth because it is opposed to arm the masses against imperialism and to expropriate capital. That’s why, in 1955, he allowed the development of the military coup, exiling in Franco’s Spain and, when he returned in 1973, he did it as the last resource of the bourgeoisie to crush the revolutionary situation opened by Cordobazo, preparing the ground to Videla’s military dictatorship in 1976.<br />
<b>FIT: </b>“Frente de Izquierda y de los Trabajadores” – Workers’ Left Fron. Founded in 2011. It’s formed by PO, PTS and Izquierda Socialista. An anti-capitalist and centrist front, founded without developing a political struggle against electoral proscriptive politic reform imposed by Cristina and capitalist opposition in early 2011. Its program and candidatures were decided behind the back of popular uprisings and of all the fighters, and excluded the leftist organizations that didn’t have legal electoral status or regional deputies. Then, it played a progressive role based on evading the proscription on mandatory open internal primary election and taking a percentage slightly above 2%, posing as a potential left opposition to Cristina, the right and the FAP. At that point, it plays a similar role to Antarsya in Greece. As TPR we gave a great political struggle in opposition to its centrist and democratizing character, stating the need to put it up as a 100% left front built in the clarity. Based on that, we called for contesting the vote or voting for FIT in the regional elections because it was independent of capitalist parties, but it didn’t represent a factor in the political situation. Then, we called to vote for it in the internal elections in 2011 in order to make the left avoid the state proscription, y again we campaigned for it during October presidential elections of 2011 based on the fact that it had already constituted as a factor in the political situation and as a potential left-wing alternative at a national level. Nowadays, it’s experiencing a dissolution process, which we are combating from the TPR calling to structure a Coordination Committee in Defense of the FIT.<br />
<b>PO:</b> “Partido Obrero” – Workers Party. Founded in 1983 from the group called Política Obrera, in delimitation with Peronism, Stalinism, Morenoism and Foquism. Leaded by Jorge Altamira. It’s the biggest workers and students’ Trotskyist organization in Argentina, and the only one that played an outstanding role in the piquetero movement and 2001 Argentinazo, what showed its revolutionary character. Facing the capitalism bankruptcy’s development, its leadership has initiated an anti-capitalist turn which pretends to renege of its own historical and revolutionary tradition. Its international organization is the CRFI, integrated by the EEK in Greece, the PCL in Italy, the DIP in Turkey, the MTL in Finland, Opción Obrera in Venezuela, the PT in Uruguay, among others. Unlike EEK, that called to vote for Antarsya, PO called to vote for Syriza after the elections took place. The TPR is an expelled tendency of PO which claims its reincorporation in order to fight against the anti-capitalist turn and defend PO’s revolutionary tradition.<br />
<b>Izquierda Socialista: </b>Socialist Left. Formerly called MST 2. Centrist, anti-piquetero and strongly adapted to the union bureaucracy. Split from MST in 2007. It vindicates Nahuel Moreno. Its international current is called UIT (Unión Internacional de Trabajadores), leaded by Miguel Sorans. It didn’t take position during the Greek elections.<br />
<b>PTS:</b> It’s the second organization within the FIT. Founded in 1988, it emerged within the old MAS as an internal tendency that vindicated being the continuity of Nahuel Moreno. Years later they wrote some critical texts, constituting as a left wing inside Morenoism. They opposed to build a Trotskyst organization inside the piquetero movement during the Argentinazo, saying that that wouldn’t imply a work over the center of the economic production. It’s a centrist, democratizing, anti-piquetero, conservative and anti-catastrophist group. Its international current (FT) maintains an impotent politic for Greece, given the fact that they don’t challenge Syriza on the bases of denouncing of its front-populist character, as well as it didn’t vote for Antarsya during the last elections.<br />
<b>Capriles:</b> Henrique. Main opposition candidate against Chávez in the last election, to whom all Argentinean bourgeoisie opposite to Cristina recognizes the “merit” of achieving to align the different pro-imperialist parties behind his candidature.<br />
<b>PCR:</b> “Partido Comunista Revolucionario” – Revolutionary Communist Party. Counter-revolutionary mao-stalinist Party. It emerged from the biggest rupture of the Communist Party in 1967. During the years before the Argentinazo, it developed its organization within the piquetero movement, the CCC (Corriente Clasista y Combativa), promoting a front-populist politic of association with the Catholic Church and the center-left. Like Moyano and Micheli, it opposed to the overthrowing of De la Rúa and was absent during the Argentinazo. In 2003 it had a short time of collaboration with Kirchnerism. In 2008 it supported the Mesa de Enlace and the soya right-wing. It’s a part of Proyecto Sur since the elections of 2011 and in some districts it integrated the FAP’s electoral lists. It’s linked to Greek KOE. It openly supports Syriza.<br />
<b>MST:</b> “Movimiento Socialista de los Trabajadores” – Workers’ Socialist Movement. It emerged in 1992 as a split from the old MAS. It’s a Morenoist Trotskyst organization that’s moving forward to reformism. It constructs the international space organized around the “Revista de América”, which within NPA references in the group called La Commune. However, since last year, it initiated negotiations in order to achieve its entry to the USFI, from which it’s now an observatory member. Since 2010 is part of Proyecto Sur. It openly supports the Front de Gauche and Syriza. Its main leader, Alejandro Bodart, has travelled to Greece to support Tsipras electoral campaign.<br />
<b>Proyecto Sur:</b> Center-left coalition leaded by Pino Solanas. It’s composed, besides PCR and MST, by the Proyecto Sur Party and by the Partido Socialist Auténtico (Authentic Socialist Party, a split from the PS in 1982). It supports the Mesa de Enlace, the 8N and the opposition union bureaucracy.<br />
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Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-31308841516808931232012-12-11T01:53:00.000+02:002012-12-11T01:53:11.691+02:00Andreas Kloke: "The third memorandum: Greece before the ordeal"<br />
The Greek tripartite government, consisting of the rightwing New Democracy (ND), the "socialist" PASOK, and the right-wing "left party" DIMAR voted the third memorandum in parliament on November 7. Since the last such vote was in February, this becomes the second time in the present calendar year. This catastrophic decision was accompanied by an angry protest of 100,000 demonstrators around Syntagma square, accompanied by the usual brutal police attack using an unlimited supply of chemicals. On the following Sunday, the new parliamentary coup - in fact a blind confirmation of the dictates of the troika with the agreement of the Greek government and capital—was completed with the approval of a state budget for 2013, which represents nothing less than an outright plundering of the overwhelming majority of the population.<br />
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The new catalogue of measures is aimed at collecting public revenues of nearly 14.3 billion euros during the years 2013 to 2016, including 9.4 billion in 2013 and 4.2 billion in 2014. Pension cuts of almost 5.5 billion euros, wage cuts of 1.5 billion, and cuts in the public health system of more than 1.1 billion are projected as the main sources. Drastic austerity measures will be applied in education, in the schools and universities. Thousands of teachers’ jobs will be basically eliminated. Working hours will be increased and salaries will be reduced. Several universities will be “merged" so that fewer young people will have access to a university education. Moreover, massive redundancies are planned in the public services. And a strict limitation of new hiring is being introduced, based on the so-called "1 to 5 – principle," or else it is already in use (and in practice often means that only one new person is hired when 20 or 100 previous employees quit).<br />
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Further deterioration of working conditions, including the abolition of tenure of employment in the public sector, easing requirements for dismissals and a lowering of severance pay complete the reactionary steamroller, opening the door to pure arbitrariness on the part of employers. The privatization of state property is projected to reach approximately 9.5 billion euros by the end of 2016. Since the medium-term program estimates a total debt of 340.6 billion euros at the end of 2012, the benefit from the planned privatizations is quite insignificant. It should be clear, therefore, that these are simply gifts for the benefit of big business. Equally drastic tax increases on wages and pensions are imposed, of course, while further tax relief for capital is granted.<br />
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The poll taxes, which remain in force even on small real-estate holdings, the reduction or cancellation of unemployment benefits and the high debt of hundreds of thousands of ordinary people to the banks complete the impoverishment program. Unemployment has officially reached 25.4% in August—after having climbed from 18.4% in August of 2011 to 24.8% in July 2012. The number of employed workers decreased from August 2011 to August 2012 by almost 328,000, i.e. by 8.1%. (1) The official poverty rate rose to 21.4% and thus affects 2.3 million people. (2) Millions will have to get by in the coming winter virtually without oil, since its price has risen dramatically.<br />
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The official aim of the whole catalogue of merciless measures is to bring Greece back to a debt level that corresponds to 120% of GDP by 2020, the same as it was in 2009. But this is the “best case"! It is claimed that the troika—i.e. mainly the economically stronger EU states—would expand credit to cover the Greek debts. Hardly a lie could be more impudent: Since 2010, Greece (which means primarily the Greek banks), has received 156 billion euros in loans including the outstanding rate of 44 billion euro. However, the Greek population has already paid off 202 billion euros to the usurers and to international finance capital. (3) This is the manner in which the alleged aid program for Greece works!<br />
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<b>"Saving the euro" and the shift to the right by the SYRIZA leadership</b><br />
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The two and a half years during which Greece has been under the thumb of the memoranda demonstrate how a country can be ruined without war and occupation and fall into a (seemingly unstoppable) decomposition process. It should be emphasized that all this goes on with the full consent of the Greek ruling class, its governments, and the parties that represent it in parliament. They consider that remaining in the euro zone still promises greater benefits than a forced or voluntarily exit from the euro. The extreme right-wing oppositional party "Independent Greeks," (a split from ND in February 2012) and the Nazi horde "Golden Dawn" (GM), reject the memoranda policies in words, but share in principle the pro-euro perspective.<br />
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The same is true for the SYRIZA leadership under Tsipras, which is not at all heading towards a confrontation with its own bourgeoisie, but on the contrary promises - and sincerely wants to carry through - a rescue of the national capitalist system through renegotiations and increased pressure on the troika, particularly on Brussels, Paris, and Berlin. The SYRIZA leadership even believes that its recepe for a Keynesian rescue will save not only Greek, but also European capitalism from imminent catastrophe. According to this thinking it's just the neoliberal blindness of Merkel & Co. which has plunged the euro, and the EU as a whole, into crisis. The SYRIZA leadership fails to recognize that the global capitalist system itself has been in serious trouble since 2007-8. Methods like the Marshall Plan and "economic growth while reducing the debt" supposedly succeeded in West Germany in the 1950s, but today it is impossible for anything to be achieved in this way.<br />
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In particular, the electoral successes of May and June provoked a clear rightward shift of the SYRIZA leadership, which now hopes that government responsibility will almost automatically fall into its lap in the wake of the expected decay of the tripartite government. Its ambitions are limited to rolling back only the most brutal memoranda measures, saving the banking system through a vague government control, and re-starting economic growth through concessions from the most powerful EU member states. The SYRIZA leadership will attempt to stabilize bourgeois parliamentary democracy. This represents quite a dangerous illusion given the steep decline of democracy with the subordination of the "people's representatives" under the dictates of the creditors, the rise of the Nazi horde, and the increasing repression by the police, army, etc. Thus the SYRIZA leadership confirms its role as a guarantor of the existing system.<br />
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At the same time, the ruling class would prefer to prevent the installation of a left-wing government. It would be a big risk to make any concessions to the hopes of broader social layers, since this could in turn manifest itself in the further mobilizations. Both on the national and international level a chain reactions could be initiated, potentially directed against the existence of the exploitive system itself. In this way, a certain balance between the hopes and fears on the part of the rulers and the ruled has emerged. Ultimately this will be resolved one way or the other, reflecting the class interests of the opposing camps.<br />
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Undoubtedly, the creditors and the troika, in particular German big business and its government, have major problems with the quantity of the Greek debt, which as such appears not so significant given the relatively small of the Greek economy. The IMF and the US government standing behind it are urging the EU, and especially Berlin, to make the Greek deficit a little more bearable through another and deeper “haircut.” The German government fears, however, that this could also lead to similar procedures for the entire periphery of the euro-zone, including Portugal, Ireland, Spain, and Italy. According to estimates, the losses for German capital could reach a painful 700 billion euros. The result would be a clear and significant deterioration of the German/European position in global competition, especially with the United States.<br />
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The German government delayed the disbursement of the next troika installment to Greece, putting additional pressure on the Greek government and banks to rob working people still more. The case of Greece proves that the aim of German polices is to gain control of the economic policy and the banking system of the euro-zone periphery, with the help of the EU institutions. The Greek banking system could virtually be taken over by German/European banks in the not too distant future, and the balance of power in the euro-zone thereby continues shifting in favor of the "center."<br />
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<b>New start of the resistance movement</b><br />
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With the 48-hour general strike on Nov 6 and 7, the work stoppage on Nov 14, the day of the European mobilizations, and a powerful demonstration on Nov 17, the anniversary of the Polytechnio uprising of 1973 against the junta, the central actions of resistance have again gained momentum, after a downturn since February 12, when the second memorandum was voted in Parliament as about 800,000 demonstrated outside. The approximately 100,000 demonstrators of Nov 7 represent a relatively low number by comparison, and it is clear that the resistance movement needs a longer period to reach previous levels, especially of the months from June to October 2011. Nevertheless, no one should be fooled about the explosive situation seething just below the surface. When in the winter months the impact of the third memorandum begins to be felt, the social and political conflicts will inevitably increase.<br />
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Not only is the large majority of the population facing a precarious situation, but the government is as well. The nervousness of the rulers is reflected, for example, in the fact that state repression is increasingly assuming unrestrained proportions. The reasons are both the fascist infiltration of the police forces and the need felt by government forces to stifle any mass protest in the bud. Meanwhile the police have gone over to torturing arrested demonstrators, a fact also reported by the English newspaper, The Guardian, on Oct 9.<br />
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Regarding the political composition of the mass mobilizations, strikes, and demonstrations, the CPG (KKE), SYRIZA, and ANTARSYA, alongside other anti-capitalist or anarcho-autonomous organizations, continue playing the leading role. While it is undeniable that SYRIZA is by far the strongest left force in voter support, and thus dominates the electoral arena due to its favorable results of this year, this factor is so far not decisive concerning the actions and protests in the streets, businesses, schools, universities, and hospitals. Without exaggeration one can say that ANTARSYA and other anti-capitalist organizations belong to the most radical and active wing of the movement, thus constituting the backbone of the strikes and protest actions. KKE is still strongly present in the protests and demonstrations, and seems even to have taken a slight tactical turn towards more united actions with others. Nevertheless, the dominant line of the KKE leadership remains to denounce all other left-wing forces as "pro-capitalist."<br />
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Currently the employees of the municipalities—of Athens and elsewhere—as well as of the universities and technical colleges have taken the lead in the protests. A directive of the troika’s "second economic adjustment program" issued on Nov 10 states that 2000 employees of the municipalities should be "made available" (meaning that they should be fired) by the end of 2012, and a total of 25,000 by the end of 2013. This was the straw that broke the camel's back. The vast majority of the mayors refuse to submit lists of employees, for the purpose of "reducing” them, to the responsible "left" DIMAR minister, A. Manitakis. And the employees have seriously taken matters into their hands, transforming their union, POE-OTA, into a fighting organ. Repeated 48-hour strikes, occupations of city halls, and many daily meetings with discussions and decisions on the continuation of the mobilization, have so far stopped the implementation of the redundancy plans. Virtually all are aware that this is a matter of survival.<br />
<br />
In the fight against the rise of the Nazi horde, GM, some successes have also been achieved. In all major cities and almost all districts of Athens antifascist action committees have emerged that oppose the spread of the fascist plague on the streets. They demonstrate and organize local or central protests. Wherever this is done with some consistency, the Nazis hardly dare to appear. A particular focus of this work should be given to the schools, as the battle for the hearts and minds of the students begins at a very early age. Nevertheless, the recent opinion polls show that the influence of GM increases. The leftist parties are not strongly present and active (SYRIZA) or else completely absent (KKE) in the antifascist committees. It is expected that with an increasingly discredited government and ND, social and political polarization will increase and a decisive clash will occur between the "extreme right" and the "left." Especially the anti-capitalist and revolutionary left must prepare for these upcoming trials of strength and organize adequately.<br />
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<br />
NOTES<br />
<br />
1) In August 2012, the total number of employed workers was estimated at almost 3.727 million, the unemployed at nearly 1.268 miliion, and the non-working population at more than 3.375 million people. The data were published by the Greek statistics office.<br />
<br />
2) The "poverty line," as defined by the authorities, amounts to an annual income of 6,591 euros or, for a family of four persons, to an annual salary of 13,842 euros. This official definition reveals straight away that the actual poverty is at least twice as high as the estimated minimum! It is also estimated that the 20% best-paid Greeks receive an average income which is six times higher than the poorest 20%.<br />
<br />
3) N. Boyiopoulos, We "live" in order to pay interest, Rizospastis (newspaper of the CPG / KKE), Nov 11, 2012<br />
<br />
(Andreas Kloke, Athens, 30/11/12)<br />
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Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-7756456070754477792012-11-27T00:21:00.000+02:002012-11-27T00:21:32.239+02:00Nikos Tamvaklis: Could SYRIZA become a "new PASOK"?<br />
<b>Introduction</b><br />
<br />
The unexpected rise of SYRIZA to be the second largest party in the last two elections in Greece, and the projection of Alexis Tsipras as the next prime minister has caused many people to think that SYRIZA already occupies the position once held by PASOK for nearly forty years. Many see Tsipras in the leadership role once occupied by Andreas Papandreou, a role decisive for the period after the fall of the 1967-74 military dictatorship. According to the prevailing terminology of the majority of the Greek Left (including SYRIZA), we are now facing the consolidation of a new "two-party system" , i.e. a duopoly of parties claiming government power above class distinctions and apart from the relationship of class forces. But if the term "two-party system" in the past obscured a correct reading of the political situation, today the same term not only obscures the current political reality, it masks the gravity of the tragic social situation and the current political stalemate. Certainly the external similarities between the current SYRIZA party after the elections, and the PASOK of 1974-81, are evident. The crucial question is whether these apparent similarities represent a substantial commonality between the two political parties, and further whether they predetermine social and political developments in the near future.<br />
<br />
<b>The rise and integration of PASOK</b><br />
<br />
The PASOK party of 1974-81 rallied around the popular strata and especially those who were still under the strong influence of the tradition and memories of the great national liberation movement (EAM 1940-44) with strong references to socialism. "Really existing socialism" had lost the attractive glow of revolution and social regeneration, but its very existence still confirmed the possibility of running a post-capitalist economy with centralized state planning. The alliance of popular strata around PASOK of the period 1974-81 developed gradually with steady steps and the parallel building of party structures. The party members were active in the social movements' rank and file, not only in the petty bourgeois strata of smallholders and small tradesmen, who undeniably formed the party’s backbone. They were also in the labor movement that had emerged in factories, rural cooperatives and in the municipalities after the fall of the dictatorship. The term "self-organization" was first used by Andreas Papandreou to denote the impetuous and largely spontaneous development of party local units nationwide.<br />
PASOK introduced a radical program which included the creation of the "welfare state" (public and free education, a national health care system) and promised the exit of Greece from NATO and the EEC. It cultivated and presented a crass nationalist kind of anti-imperialism before its rise to government. PASOK marched to the elections of October 18, 1981 with the demagogic slogan that reflected popular expectations: "On Oct. 18 Socialism." Without doubt, the day of its ascension to government, the PASOK leadership instantly forgot about socialism and any exit from NATO and the EEC. The radical program of the "third way" to socialism gave way to managing and modernizing the bourgeois state. The eventual reforms were broadly in line with the needs of capitalism in Greece. Party structures followed a path of rapid integration into the state bureaucracy, while simultaneously waging a long internal party struggle to neutralize, marginalize and isolate its labor rank and file. The radical minorities that had joined the party since its foundation were either expelled by administrative means, or were fully integrated into the bureaucratic apparatus.<br />
At critical moments, Andreas Papandreou, a powerful and charismatic figure, showed he could directly relate to the feelings and desires of broad layers, and cultivate or reinvigorate their illusions for a painless, parliamentary "third way" to socialism. Certainly global capitalism since the early 80's, having descended into the long wave of recession, launched its major offensive against the gains of the labor movement. The neo-liberalism of Reagan and Thatcher led the way. Greek capitalism, however, seemed to have capacity for some concessions to the "welfare state." These policies were at least partially at odds with mainstream world capitalist politics.<br />
<br />
<b>The electoral rise and mutation of SYRIZA</b><br />
<br />
SYRIZA, after the 2012 elections, also rallied the majority of the working classes who still refer, in a rather general and abstract way, to the ideological tradition of the left. Certainly, after the collapse of "actually existing socialism", more than two decades of ideological dominance of neo-liberalism have dispersed confusion and disorientation in the working class and popular strata. But SYRIZA (and previously SYNASPISMOS) have never attempted to come to terms with this situation with a clear and honest self-criticism on the restrictions and the attitude of the historical leadership of KKE-interior and then SYN towards the bureaucracies of "really existing socialism". Even more, the general ideological weakness and organizational decline of the Left opened the way for the growing stronger trends of xenophobia and racism within Greek society, and finally allowed, under the conditions of sharp economic crisis, the emergence of right-wing and neo-Nazi parties.<br />
The rallying of workers to SYRIZA took place mainly in the parliamentary arena. It was not a product of the development of party structures and the activity of party members in the labor movement, nor did it come from the new resistance movement of popular assemblies and popular local self-organization. The presence of SYRIZA in mass mobilizations remains half-hearted, limited and linked to its rise in parliamentary elections. The election campaigns of SYRIZA rely much more on "contact" with the popular strata through the media and advertising slogans, and much less on the direct contact and activation of the potential of its social base. The public speeches of Tsipras move increasingly towards promises of a better management of the bourgeois state and the capitalist economy. Moreover Tsipras (like the young A. Papandreou) tries to rise above the party apparatus and to address directly popular feelings and hopes for a painless, parliamentary way out of the crisis nightmare -- within the institutions of the EU. The popular strata rally reluctantly and without enthusiasm around SYRIZA, because they sense both the gravity of the situation and the utopian character of the easy promises.<br />
An important section of the SYN party cadres is already integrated in the state bureaucracy. The election program of SYRIZA remains strictly within the framework of management of the bourgeois state. The legendary declarations for "debt rescheduling" through the institutions of the EU are of dubious credibility and are restricted to the rescue of the remnants of the welfare state and the rather vague “productive reconstruction” of the capitalist economy. The prospect of socialism, with planned economy, nationalization of banks and large companies, as the only real alternative to the crisis of capitalism was not really mentioned in pre-election period, and much less in post-election proclamations. The word “socialism” has been expunged, seemingly forever, from Tsipras’ vocabulary.<br />
Even worse, with the rapid rise of the fascist Golden Dawn (GD), SYRIZA restricts itself to defending the institutions of a bankrupt bourgeois democracy. It is a democracy that sinks into general disrepute, immersed in scandals that reflect the mutual recriminations of panicked capitalist politicians. At the very moment when the socialist perspective should be advanced against the corrupt regime, SYRIZA provides space for the screaming and the demagogy of the GD gang. At the very moment when SYRIZA should decisively confront the fascist terror in the streets and neighborhoods with mass mobilizations, it resorts to invoking bourgeois legitimacy and relying on the cops – who are heavily infiltrated and corroded by fascism. Also, the first attempt to integrate or eliminate the radical "components" of SYRIZA began much earlier with the proposal of the SYN leadership for a single party apparatus last September. This mutation is supposed to make it more reliable in the eyes of the ruling class.<br />
Certainly, the chance of obtaining governmental power in a European country like Greece, by one of the traditional left parties like SYRIZA for the first time after decades, alarmed the European rulers. Not due to the risks posed by SYRIZA, but because of the general instability and uncontrolled developments likely to unfold as broad layers will perceive such a left government as their own victory, and because of the chain reactions likely to occur in other European countries. They know very well that the conditions of the economic crisis have created a social powder keg that could explode at any time, regardless of the desires, plans and estimations of a left reformist leadership.<br />
On the other hand, the majority of the European radical left seems to be hypnotized by the prospect of an electoral victory of SYRIZA. Most of the European left parties rushed to give unconditional support to the SYN party leadership, without much understanding of the relationship of class forces within Greek society, its reflection on the political scene, and the true nature and history of the SYN party. Certainly the desire for a victory of the left in Europe, after nearly three decades of continuous decline, is fully justified and understandable. But substituting one's desires for the reality under current conditions is extremely dangerous. Even worse are the unjust characterizations and attacks on those forces trying to establish a consistent anti-capitalist and communist left under these difficult conditions.<br />
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<b>* </b>This is a translation of an article published in SPARTAKOS, the review of OKDE-Spartakos, Greek section of the 4th International.</div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
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<br /><b>NOTES</b><br />
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<b>SYRIZA:</b> Coalition of the Radical Left - United Social Front is a left-wing political party, originally founded before the general election of 2004, as a coalition of the party SYNASPIMOS with a broad array of small left-wing and radical political groups and independent politicians. In the general election of 2004, the coalition gathered 3.3% of the total. In the general elections of 17 June 2012 SYRIZA gathered 27% of the total became the second largest party in the Greek parliament after New Democracy and is now the main opposition party. <br /><br /><b>PASOK:</b> Panhellenic Socialist Movement, is the main centre left party and historically one of the two major political parties in Greece (the other is the right party of New Democracy). It was founded by Andreas Papandreou after the fall of the dictatorship in 1974. In 1981 PASOK became Greece’s first social democratic party to win a majority in the Parliament. <br /><br /><b>EAM:</b> National Liberation Front was the main movement of the Greek resistance during the Axis occupation of Greece during World War II. Its main driving force was the Greek Communist Party (KKE). EAM became a mass social movement and established its own government in the areas it had liberated until spring 1944. The movement reached its peak after the Liberation in late 1944, when it controlled most parts of the country before suffering a catastrophic military and political defeat after a series of tragic mistakes committed by the Stalinist leadership.<br /><br /><b>Greek Communist Party - Interior</b> was formed after a major split of the Greek Communist Party (KKE) in 1968. KKE- Interior essentially broke its ties with KKE's ideological subordination to the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. It later established bonds with parties such as the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Romanian Communist Party of Nicolae Ceauşescu, adopting a Euro-communist perspective. The party also opted for a "renewal of the left" and embraced the concept of “socialism with a human face”. KKE - Interior was dissolved some months after its 4th Congress in 1986, splitting into two new parties: the left “Communist Party of Greece (Interior) - Renewing Left” and the right “Greek Left”, the ancestor of today’s SYN.Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-1582795841167067052012-09-20T00:07:00.001+03:002012-09-20T00:07:20.900+03:00Andreas Kloke: The Euro, the Greek Crisis, and the Left<br />
As this is written, in early September, the Greek government is expected to soon announce its new “austerity program”—aligned with the troika, of course—which will initiate another round to plunge working and young people, pensioners, migrants into yet deeper despair. (1) However, it is quite possible “that the Greeks could spare themselves the trouble of the economy package. Governments in Europe are preparing long before, expecting that and the next report of the creditors, the troika (EU Commission, ECB and IMF), will detect new holes in the budget. In that case, the real emergency, the breakup of the monetary union, will be on the agenda.” (2) Along the same line, a report in the conservative German newspaper, the Frankfurter Allgemeine, was given a revealing title: “The secret plans for the euro crash - Banks and corporations are preparing for the possibility the euro could fall apart. They hoard cash, change contracts, and rehearse how to introduce the new drachma.” (August 25).<br />
Whether Greece will soon be thrown out of the euro-zone or not, the Greek workers’ movement must strive to overthrow the policies of their rulers through strikes, occupations, and other acts of resistance. At the same time, the question of an alternative policy is posed, one that might open up some way out of the crisis with its catastrophic decline in living standards, the collapse of the last vestiges of bourgeois democracy and the increasing emergence of fascist tendencies. One of the key problems that appeared with the introduction of the memoranda policies in the Greek left - and to some extent in the European left more widely - and which has led to controversial and different concepts of economic policies to combat the crisis, is whether Greece should try to remain in the euro-zone or reintroduce its own national currency (return to the drachma).<br />
This question played a significant role in this year’s election campaigns. The fear of expulsion from the euro and the threat that payment of wages and pensions could be totally stopped, i.e. “total destruction” (as the German newspaper Bild wrote to the “dear Greeks” on June 15), apparently persuaded many to again cast their vote for the memoranda parties, New Democracy (ND) and PASOK, on June 17. The leadership of the left alliance SYRIZA had also committed itself to keep the country in the euro-zone and, although engaging in an offensive against the memoranda policies, to strive for an agreement with the creditors and the troika, thus hoping to bring about a partial easing of their demands.<br />
<br />
Can Greece be kept in the euro?<br />
<br />
The orientation of SYRIZA only makes sense if there are realistic prospects for such a compromise. But it was clear that neither the troika in general, nor the governments in Berlin and Paris in particular, showed any interest in negotiating with a possible “left government” formed by SYRIZA to discuss amendments to existing credit agreements. These agreements condemn Greece - or, more precisely, its working people and all the oppressed - to a wasting away without prospect. It is another question entirely, of course, whether the troika and the German government were bluffing. Recent developments and estimates show, nonetheless, that a withdrawal of Greece from the euro-zone would indeed be very difficult and raise many questions for the other euro-zone countries, also for the entire international capitalist economy. Still, it is being more and more seriously considered since business as usual cannot easily continue. The SYRIZA leadership had nothing up its sleeve before the June elections to counter the massive campaign of intimidation by those in power, both in Greece and in Europe. In other words, for everybody who wanted to avoid the catastrophe (!?) of Greece being kicked out of the euro, what made sense was a vote, for example, for ND but not for SYRIZA.<br />
It should be noted that the position taken, during the June elections, by those in the Greek left who advocate maintaining the euro - namely the Tsipras leadership in the SYN party (3) and some of the organizations that belong to SYRIZA (4) - is becoming obviously weaker and less and less convincing. If the “center” of the euro zone, i.e. particularly Germany, is openly thinking through whether “Grexit” (Greece’s expulsion of the euro), may ultimately be the cheaper and more reasonable option, then the Greek left - and probably also others - should be planning how to continue without the euro. The “argument” that only with the euro Greece can avoid further impoverishment is clearly null and void since the memoranda policies and the unconditional maintenance of the euro-zone are the main causes for the ongoing social process of degradation.<br />
Undoubtedly, Greece is ULTIMATELY to be saved only by worker-friendly policies on the European level, through a radical restructuring of production and distribution in favor of the working people and all that goes with it. This would require a fundamental reorientation of European politics, meaning that the “center” ACTUALLY came to support and help rescue the “periphery” (the so-called PIIGS countries)—and not just with loans designed to earn profits for the banks by accruing exorbitant rates of interest. It is important to note, however, that the chances of the EU institutions making an imminent change in this direction are not very favorable. In the major countries of the center, France and Germany, only the left parties, the German “Left,” the French Front de Gauche, the NPA, etc. would advocate such a change - in the words of the left German politician Gysi, a new "Marshall Plan" for Greece and the periphery. But these parties currently represent less than 20% of the electorate in France and probably less than 10% in Germany.<br />
The EU institutions are also totally undemocratic and hierarchically organized. They comply 100 percent with the imperial project of the ruling classes of Western Europe -including Greece - to secure and improve the best positions on the world market in competition with other imperialist blocs. The treaties (from Maastricht to Lisbon), the last reactionary “European Fiscal Pact” along with the introduction of the euro, all served the interests of finance capital and of the multinational corporations of the “center.” They continue to do so, essentially under German leadership. Incidentally, it is not correct, therefore, to believe that a “pro-euro” attitude is basically more “progressive” or “internationalist” in a socialist sense. The institutions of the EU and the euro-zone are clearly defined in favor of the capitalist classes and therefore cannot be “reformed” to serve the workers. They must ultimately be dissolved and replaced by European institutions of workers’ democracy and self-rule.<br />
<br />
<br />
European periphery and center<br />
<br />
The division of European nations into “center” and “periphery” has intensified with the outbreak of the world economic crisis of 2008. This has revealed that there is no “European solidarity” operating today, but only the merciless self-interest of each national ruling class. The wage earners of the weaker countries have to take up all of the cost and consequences of the crisis. Because of the balance of power that exists in the EU and in the euro-zone, it is extremely unlikely that “euro bonds” - i.e. loans with extremely low interest rates such as the European Central Bank (ECB) grants to private banks - can rescue the countries of the periphery from the debt crisis in the foreseeable future. The announcement of M. Draghi that the ECB will buy government bonds issued by the countries of the euro-zone in the future does not alter this situation to any significant degree.<br />
This does not affect the necessity for international solidarity by the center with the periphery. That is a requirement for the workers’ movement and the left. Obviously there are great opportunities for development, but also a need to catch up, since the networking and organization of the exploited and oppressed in the trade unions, movements, and the left on a European level still remain far behind the well-organized international collaboration of the ruling classes and their political institutions.<br />
The memoranda policies have already led to an almost complete social decay, to a decline in GDP of about 20% within 4 years, dramatically increasing unemployment - especially in the young generation - and to an abrupt rise of the suicide rate. These trends will intensify after the second memorandum of February, the PSI agreement, the fiscal compact, and the recent “austerity measures” of nominally 11.5 billion euros. They will lead to a further deterioration in working conditions, a possible collapse of the remaining social security funds, the auction of national property and of the workforce itself. At best, the public debt in 2020 will be 120% of GDP, the same ratio as in 2009. Even assuming a very favorable economic development in the context of the agreements, the debt will amount to 174% of the GDP in 2020 - assuming an annual income rate in the primary sector (raw materials, agriculture, etc.) of 1%, an inflation rate of 1- 1.5%, and an annual growth rate of 1 %. The growth rates would have to reach totally unlikely 4.5% to limit the debt to 120%. (5) No need to mention that this situation is completely untenable for Greece.<br />
Likewise, there is no doubt that the trouble cannot be attributed to internal factors such as the excessive cost of public services, corruption, lack of willingness to work, etc., as has been rumored in the media at home and abroad. It is caused by the impact of the global capitalist crisis of 2008-09, which has driven the private and public debt to new heights worldwide. But there is also a structural problem. Decisive for the special plight of the European periphery is the faulty design of the euro itself, which means that the euro zone has now become the Achilles heel of the entire world economy. For the periphery this birth defect of the euro caused a sharp decline in its competitiveness, and it is now no longer possible for these countries to compensate for this tendency, that has always existed, by a devaluation of their own national currency in relationship to the currencies of the center.<br />
The result is constantly increasing deficits for the periphery, as is clearly apparent in the development of the balances of trade between the center and the periphery from 1999, before the euro was introduced, until 2007, before the outbreak of the great crisis—during a time when the periphery seemed to be doing well. The German account balances increased from -1.3% (1999) to 7.7% (2007). This was due to the totally one-sided export-oriented German economy. Its advantage required virtually stagnant real wages and placed the heaviest burden on the periphery, where the balances developed negatively: They declined in Ireland from 0.3% (1999) to -5.4% (2007), in Portugal, from -8.5% to -9.8%, in Spain from -2.9 % to -10.1%, in Italy from 0.7% to -2.5% and in Greece from -5.6% to -14.1%. (6) The periphery got deeper and deeper into debt, while the euro was the main cause of the catastrophic crisis management which brought an unlimited procession of cheap lending to the banks, while only expensive loans were made available to the various countries. Finally, the absurd strategy of “growth through radical austerity” and systematically induced recession, as in the case of Greece, became the general recipe for crisis management.<br />
<br />
The euro: badly designed<br />
<br />
In the years following the introduction of the euro the Greek banks succeeded in increasing their profits, primarily by a strong expansion of activities in the countries of the Balkans and in Turkey. This expansion, however, was not replicated in the profits of small and medium-sized Greek companies. Yet it is clear that the euro was the main option of the Greek bourgeoisie and remains so to this day, because the euro provided them a decisive advantage in their competition with neighboring countries. It seemed to secure their role as an imperialist junior partner of the European center in the Balkans and in the wider region. According to Lapavitsas, the Greek “banks are now in a very precarious situation because they hold a high proportion of government bonds, are exposed to the growing risks of medium and small firms, and depend on a supply of credit by the ECB for which they need the guarantees of the Greek state. In essence, they survive by artificial respiration.” (7)<br />
The present (memoranda) policies of crisis management must be deemed to have failed, and their continuation can only lead to the aggravation of the already imminent disaster. Lapavitsas, who has advocated the withdrawal of Greece from the euro-zone since 2010, says that Portugal and Spain also have no future with the euro and will soon have to return to their own currency. When asked about the alternative, however, he also replies that “the periphery, without a Marshall Plan, has no chance of survival.” (8) However, this would, according to him, presuppose that Germany makes a decisive change in its policy, as the German banks and large corporations benefit from the current export orientation, although they do so at the expense of the German population as well as the entire monetary union.<br />
M. Husson also paints a bleak picture of the situation, pointing out that the debacle was predictable even before the introduction of the euro: “The worm was in the fruit, for a basic reason which was possible to anticipate: nothing in theory or practice supports the postulate that monetary constraints would guarantee a real convergence of the European countries (Husson, 1996). The single currency postulates the realisation of a homogeneous entity, to which it is then supposed to contribute (Husson, 2001). With the passing of time, the introduction of the euro-system will probably appear as a terrible error stemming from a dogmatic, indeed neurotic, blindness, and in any case from a total incomprehension of the challenges to a genuine European unity. Today, the Euro zone has become the weak link of the world economy, and we can even say that Europe is in the process of devouring its own children. The policies pursued at the European level amount to a blind headlong rush which plunges the whole zone into an infernal spiral of austerity and recession. Unemployment settles in at unprecedented levels and the only way out is a shock therapy targeted on the deconstruction of the social model.” (9)<br />
The necessity for a withdrawal<br />
Lapavitsas responds to the question of what possible alternatives might exist: “The exit from the euro will be very painful for Greece, Portugal, and Spain. If the euro collapses completely, this will be a disaster for Europe. If the European leaders still have common sense, they must therefore examine seriously how a withdrawal from the euro can be accomplished in as normal a fashion as possible.” (10) To say it once more: IN THE FINAL ANALYSIS it is impossible that Greece and the other peripheral countries will pull themselves up by their own bootstraps. They will continue to be dependent on cooperation with the center and on its assistance.<br />
But this doesn’t mean that Greece cannot or must not take steps by itself to throw the dictates of the troika and the pernicious memoranda policies overboard. In short, initiatives that could show a way out of the present mess must be taken by the workers’ and resistance movement and by the left in Greece itself. The balance of power and the political orientation must be radically changed if the country is to regain any prospect for a development of the productive forces and of economic growth, appropriate to the social needs, to social cohesion and to justice. (We leave aside the question of whether this is achievable under the present conditions of Greek capitalism.)<br />
The orientation of the SYRIZA leadership that marked the election campaigns was an insistence that Greece should stay in the euro-zone. This was controversial within SYN and SYRIZA. P. Lafazanis, Member of Parliament of SYN/SYRIZA and one of the protagonists of the minority but not insignificant “Left Current”, has long advocated the exit of Greece from the euro-zone. The same applies to Lapavitsas who also supports SYRIZA. It is very unlikely that the SYRIZA leadership can still credibly maintain the same propaganda. The goal of ending the memoranda policies (although the SYRIZA leadership promised after the May elections only to limit them!) is not compatible with remaining in the euro-zone. Real developments have already left that propaganda promise behind.<br />
Consequently, a solution to the crisis would require a plan B, sketched with minimal requirements for a promising alternative economic and social program. In any case, Greece must reject the claims of its creditors. It needs to stop paying the sovereign debt in order to use available funds for the reconstruction of its social and industrial infrastructure. There are two alternative approaches to a rejection of the debt payments: First is the radical one of ANTARSYA which insists that the legitimacy of all claims of all creditors - and thus also those of the troika - must be denied. This demand corresponds to the slogan of the site occupation movement during the spring of 2011 which declared, “We owe nothing, we do not pay, we do not sell.” The second, milder version is the call for establishment of an “audit” commission, to review the legitimacy of the sovereign debt. This is supported by the SYRIZA leadership. For simplicity, we will assume for further discussion that this second option would lead to serious differences with the claims of the creditors, since otherwise it would be pointless.<br />
Stopping of all debt payments will immediately reveal the true state of Greek banks and make their nationalization inevitable. Thus the domination of capital can be called into question, especially if the expropriation is carried though without compensation and under workers’ control, as demanded by ANTARSYA. The proposal by Lapavitsas is a bit less radical: Instead of the usual government bonds the banks could get new loans of “long term tangible assets with governmental guarantees at a low interest rate. Something similar could be done to protect the insurance funds.” Finally, the banks, after having become public property, should “serve as a lever for the transformation of the Greek economy.” (11)<br />
Lapavitsas’ and Husson’s proposals for solutions<br />
The ideas of Lapavitsas appear here in a kind of intermediate zone, between radical reform within the existing economic and political system, on the one hand, and an actual transition that is aimed at transcending these limitations and at breaking with the established order (i.e. at a socialist transformation) on the other. In any case, it is clear to him that his approach is not compatible with the euro-zone, certainly not with the form in which this has existed for so many years. He replies to the objection that SYRIZA wants to keep the country in the euro-zone as follows: “But SYRIZA also accepts that there is a limit beyond which the Greeks cannot bear the situation within the euro-zone. If the euro-zone still calls for tougher measures, SYRIZA will deny it. In the final analysis this will mean the withdrawal of Greece.” (12)<br />
It should be stated, in any case, that stopping the debt payments (that is, a bankruptcy declaration, which cannot seem unthinkable to anyone at this point), the socialization and nationalization of the banks (including their profits and not only their losses), and the disassociation of Greece (possibly its expulsion) from the euro-zone represent essential and interconnected elements of an alternative approach as a the solution to the current misery. Nothing less is possible anymore, as the reasoning of Lapavitsas demonstrates. The weakness of his approach appears to be that it is conceived as a program for a possible “left government” led by SYRIZA, and remains within that framework. He fails to recognize the role of the bourgeois state and the need for the development of dual power structures through the self-organization of the exploited and oppressed. The ruling class and its repressive state organs will not stand idly by if some future government attempts to gradually take into its own hands control over the banks, the means of production, and the social wealth. Moreover, it has been shown that the strategy of SYRIZA simply does not conceive of this as its objective.<br />
Husson's proposal for a solution remains less convincing than the one of Lapavitsas. It denies that stopping the payment of the debt and the nationalization of the banks are connected to a withdrawal of Greece from the euro-zone. Husson writes: “To get out of this impasse, there is a path which would involve a unilateral break with the currently existing Europe in the name of another European project. We can speak here of a transitional programme combining rejection of the rules of the Euro-system with a will for generalisation of the alternative experience to the zone as a whole. We do not await the miraculous appearance of a ‘good’ Europe and instead adopt a ’protectionism of extension’ which consists in protecting the experience of social transformation while proposing its extension. It is such an approach which underlies the emergency plan advanced by SYRIZA for the Greek elections of June 17, 2012. It was centred on these three points: 1. Cancellation of the memorandum, all austerity measures and employment counter reforms; 2. Nationalisation of the banks; 3. A debt moratorium to identify and cancel illegitimate debt.” (13)<br />
This is a misunderstanding: The SYRIZA leadership proposed neither the cancellation of “all” austerity measures nor the nationalization of banks, but only their “control” before June 17. Moreover, when Husson speaks of “illegitimate” debt of Greece, he should explain what debt claims made by banks and other creditors might be considered “legitimate.” If Husson considers an exit of Greece from the euro-zone as a nationalist aberration, he needs to explain what else Greece might possibly do under the present conditions imposed by the troika. He also leaves open the question whether a solution of the crisis is possible in the capitalist framework when he writes at the end of his article: “The principles of a solidarity-based Europe are indeed incompatible with a pure (!) capitalist logic.”<br />
<br />
The “call” of the KKE<br />
<br />
In early September, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of Communist Party of Greece (KKE) issued a “call” which rejects, in a peculiar way, both the “euro one-way street” of the new Greek government (ND, PASOK, DIMAR), though also of SYRIZA, and a sovereign default combined with an exit from the euro-zone. The KKE leadership proposes a “workers’ and people’s power” through the establishment of a “people's government” and the transformation of the current ownership of big business (big companies, all means of transportation, the land) into “public property.” This would be, so to speak, the program of the socialist revolution from the viewpoint of the KKE leadership, at least as a propaganda formula. The KKE leadership refers back to the countries of former “real socialism” and writes: “The workers’ and people's power gave a lot to the peoples of socialist countries. It solved problems in a way workers of the capitalist nations can only dream of. We (apparently the KKE leadership itself is meant here) are learning from the omissions (!) which led to the counter-revolution and the overthrow of socialism.” (14)<br />
The KKE leadership does not explain what intermediary steps or strategy might lead to the implementation of this “workers’ and people’s power.” The target floats in space, which is probably the reason why the KKE leadership does not consider it necessary to answer the question of whether their “workers’ and people’s power” could be established while preserving the euro. If the answer is “no,” does this not mean that Greece has to return to the drachma?<br />
Nevertheless, the call of KKE points out that this alternative would also be harmful: “The sovereign default and exit from the euro would cause a sharp rise in prices for the huge quantity of imported products, along with a dramatic loss of purchasing power by the workers. In both cases (meaning: even if the country remains in the euro-zone) tax increases and a deep pruning of existing opportunities for growth in the country are inevitable. Certain factions of the capitalist class want to benefit from an exit of Greece from the euro-zone, because they will then invest less capital in a country with a depreciated currency and with Bulgarian wages.” Indeed, this perspective cannot be ruled out if Greece reintroduces the drachma without capitalist rule being called into question. The inconsistency of the KKE’s position remains evident.<br />
<br />
ANTARSYA and the exit<br />
<br />
ANTARSYA, an alliance of about 10 organizations and the most important formation of the anticapitalist-revolutionary left, brings the main elements of a real transitional program into the class confrontations. Its approach aims at overcoming capitalism through extra-parliamentary struggles, the development of self-organization of the exploited and oppressed, workers’ power and democracy. The ultimate goal is to replace capitalism with a socialist system. This orientation is also reflected by statements of ANTARSYA during the election campaigns, e.g. in a central call before the elections of May 6.<br />
The key passages are quoted here again: “There is another way! Without debt, euro, EU and memoranda! For the anti-capitalist overthrow of the coalition government and the troika!—Power and wealth must pass into the hands of working people.” The list of demands is as follows:<br />
* Immediate cancellation of the credit agreements, memoranda, and all of their accompanying measures!<br />
* Against recognition of the debt and for its cancellation.<br />
* Break with and exit from the euro-zone and the EU.<br />
* Expropriation without nationalization of the banks and large enterprises under workers’ control.<br />
* Immediate wage and pension increases. Abolition of the poll tax and all tax increases.<br />
* Prohibition of layoffs, full social protection for the unemployed. For the reduction of working hours and the lowering of the retirement age. Expropriation of hundreds of closed firms. Resume their operation under the control of the employees themselves.<br />
* Good quality and cheap food provided by cooperatives, cutting out the middlemen and large companies.<br />
* A general workers and popular uprising and anti-capitalist revolution.<br />
SYRIZA and KKE are criticized as follows: “The parties of the parliamentary left do not meet their historical responsibility. SYRIZA speaks of a ‘left-wing government,’ but does not dare say a word against the euro and the EU. It is looking for more and more solutions for the debt through agreements with the creditors! KKE is now against the debt and EU but postpones this to ... the Judgment Day of ‘people’s power’ achieved through the parliamentary path by winning a majority in the elections. ... It avoids any open political conflict and still refuses to contribute to a unified workers’ and popular uprising. Such an attitude hinders the struggle. Unity of action for the overthrow is now more necessary than ever before!” (15)<br />
In the election campaigns ANTARSYA placed a strong emphasis on the need to exit from the euro-zone and the EU. One can criticize this, but not so much because it is wrong to speak of such a course. It should, however, not be presented as a central demand. Instead, the stress should simply be on the fact that this represents a necessary consequence of refusing to pay the debt and of nationalizing the banks, etc., things which point to a way out of the crisis. The withdrawal from the euro-zone is undoubtedly practicable within capitalist conditions and has no transitional character in the socialist sense, as a specific objective. Moreover, strong objections to this course of action existed and still exist among the Greek people, since the reintroduction of a national currency is a very complicated issue; it would lead to devaluation and inflation. Nevertheless it is inevitable.<br />
In Greece, actually, the future of Europe is at stake. Solidarity from the rest of Europe, particularly Germany and France, for the resistance movement of the Greek population must be accompanied by a critical understanding of what is actually happening in Greece. This solidarity can help to bring about a change, and therefore a constructive solution to the crisis for the exploited and oppressed of Greece, i.e. the vast majority of the population, against neo-liberalism and capitalism. This would open up new prospects for the socialist alternative in Europe as a whole.<br />
<br />
NOTES<br />
<br />
1) “Exploitation without end,” German left newspaper junge Welt, 05/09/2012<br />
2) “Waiting for the Greek meltdown,” Frankfurter Rundschau, 21/08/2012<br />
3) The SYN (Synaspismos) is a left reformist party with origins in euro-communism that dominates SYRIZA.<br />
4) These organizations include AKOA, to some extent DEA (“Internationalist Workers' Left”), a semi-Trotskyist organization, which created the slogan “No sacrifice for the euro, do not trust the drachma,” as well as the “Kokkino” group («Red»). KOE («Communist Organization of Greece»), an organization with origins in Maoism and after the SYN the largest grouping in SYRIZA, considers, however, that Greece is once again an occupied country and must regain its national independence from the troika in order to restart a national development policy.<br />
5) The figures are taken from the article by Jannis Tolios, “ ‘Euro - drachma,’ realistic growth and progressive solution to the crisis,” Feb. 2012, Greek website ISKRA. (Here and below, my translations, AK)<br />
6) Source OECD<br />
7) Kostas Lapavitsas, “The crisis requires radical solutions,” website Aristero Vima, 26.10.2011. Lapavitsas is a professor of economics in London at the School of Oriental and African Studies. Many of his articles and papers, for example in the Guardian, are accessible on the Internet in English.<br />
8) Lapavitsas, “Only a Marshall Plan can save the euro,” website Aristero Vima, 02/07/2012.<br />
9) Michel Husson, “The political economy of the ‘Euro-system,’ “ International Viewpoint, August 2012<br />
10) see (8)<br />
11) see (7)<br />
12) see (8)<br />
13) see (9)<br />
14) Call by the PB of the CC of the CPG (KKE), Rizospastis, 09/02/2012<br />
15) From an ANTARSYA call for the elections of May 6, published on 14/04/2012<br />
<br />
(Andreas Kloke, 14/09/2012)<br />
<div>
<br /></div>
Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-24116820488983981872012-07-09T09:43:00.000+03:002012-07-09T17:30:29.405+03:00Nikos Tamvaklis: "June 17: A temporary and unstable solution for the Greek political system"<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 16px;">The elections of May 6th created an upheaval of the Greek
political system, opening a period of deep crisis. The shrinkage of PASOK, the
disintegration of New Democracy (ND), the unexpected emergence of SYRIZA as the
second-place finisher, and the opening of a prospect for the formation of a
government of left parties set off alarm bells not only for the Greek ruling
class but also for their European counterparts.</span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">The fear of a Greek exit from the euro-zone was the theme
sounded over and over again, and with increasing intenxity, by Greek and
European political leaders, by the bankers, and by the bourgeois media as the
election day of June 17 approached--in order to terrorize the population and
stop the electoral drift to the left. On June 17 SYRIZA benefited primarily
from a continued decline of other left parties and of PASOK. But it failed to
decisively win over those sections of the working and middle classes which
remained trapped by the dominant bourgeois ideology.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">
<div class="MsoNormal">
The results of June 17 confirm the fact that the Greek
political system is balancing on a tightrope. The fear of what would hyappen
if the country left the euro-zone was the only effective
argument--leading the majority of the middle class to again rally around ND,
the main traditional right party. At the same time an important part of this
social layer, having been hit hard by the economic crisis, voted again the new
far right party “Independent Greeks,” while the neo-Nazi “Golden Dawn” kept its
support intact. This demonstrates the emergence of a neo-Nazi movement within
the petty bourgeois strata of Greek society for the first time. Even the most
skeptical left “analysts” have to admit the reality of this development.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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The international scene<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In the interval between the two successive electoral
campaigns, the possibility of a left government coming to power in a small
European country caused tremendous economic and political turbulence on an
international level: Stock markets declined; the euro fell against the dollar;
a wave of panic swept through the ruling classes, and hysteria through the
international bourgeois media. The prospect of a left government in Greece and
of a challenge to the terms of the memorandum were directly connected to
Greece’s exit from the euro-zone by the bankers and the “lenders”--an exit
which, as they themselves acknowledge, might have uncontrollable effects on the
global economic balance. The potential domino effect of successive failures in
other countries (Spain, Portugal, etc.) is a possibility that strikes panic
among political leaders throughout the world, including Obama, Putin and the
Chinese leadership. So if the results of the Greek election of May 6th
demonstrated the frightening instability of the global capitalist economy
despite desperate attempts by governments to extract themselves from the cycle
of crisis, then the results of June 17 brought a huge sigh of relief
despite the widely admitted fact that the situation remains extremely fluid and
the “victory” of the main right party is only temporary.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The political leaders of Europe, having secured for
themselves the ability to maintain their luxurious life-style, nevertheless
have a major public relations problem in the context of how hopeless the
situation is of so many Greek people who already lack basic necessities or
are drowning in bank debts and taxes. However, the continuous crude
interventions of foreign leaders and bankers in order to terrorize the Greek
people revealed how vulnerable and unstable the institutions of bourgeois
democracy become whenever the real interests of the ruling classes are at
stake. And we leaves aside how completely powerless institutions such as the
European Commission and the European Parliament proved to be--confronted with
the decisions of bankers and industrialists of the strongest European country,
who do not hesitate to drain resources and gain profits from the weaker
economies during the crisis.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In this way the ruling classes of Europe, with Germany
playing first fiddle, do not just want to wall off the rest of Europe from the
Greek economic crisis--which seems to be very difficult in itself despite the
debt “haircuts” and the successive memorandum contracts. What they fear most of
all is a development of popular movements of resistance to their policy at a
pan-European level, which would upset their strategic plan for resolving
the economic crisis by totally destroying all previous gains of the working
class.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Taken together this reflects the absolute commitment of
European political leaders to a policy of brutal attacks on workers' incomes
and their living standards. This policy is imposed by the desperate need of
capital to achieve a massive increase in the rate of exploitation, which will
allow profits to recover at the level of the “real” economy. This need is unambiguously
expressed in the unrelenting austerity imposed by the memoranda and also in the
financial policy of a “hard” euro.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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The development of the resistance movement <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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In fact, the elections took place under the increasing
pressure of popular indignation and a fear on the part of the ruling class that
a continuous expansion of the popular resistance movement could begin to take
the shape of self-organization. The upsurge broke out last year as “the
movement of the public squares” and continued with the creation of
hundreds of popular assemblies and initiatives of social solidarity, even
with the creation and evolution of the “coordination of the rank and file
unions.” The massive and militant presence of this coordination in the major
strike mobilizations was a serious challenge to the bureaucratic leaderships of
the two “official” trade unions confederations, GSEE (private sector) and ADEDY
(public services).<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The movement of popular assemblies, however, remained
largely dispersed and has not, to this moment, managed to create anything
at the level of central coordination. The movement failed to establish a
consistent and intense presence throughout this period. It culminated in the
major strikes during the middle of October last year and in the largely
spontaneous October 28th parades--which eventually led to the fall of the
Papandreou government and the creation of the “black front” government composed
by the three “parties of memorandum”: PASOK, New Democracy and LAOS. It also
culminated in the massive demonstration on February 12 that launched the
decomposition of the same three parties and initiated the pre-election period.
The imposition of a new package of austerity measures planned for June seemed
impossible without a new parliamentary authorization.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
With the election on May 6 the ruling class hoped to achieve
at least a temporary respite from popular anger and gain an opportunity to form
a coalition government put together by the remaining two or three “memorandum
parties,” a government which could impose the new measures and continue
the work of demolishing any temporary gains by workers. But the results of the
May elections prevented, at least temporarily, the actual implementation of
this plan. The results of June 17, on the other hand, offer them a new
opportunity to go ahead, but under less favorable conditions. The narrow
majority of the two “memorandum” parties (ND and PASOK) and the involvement of
the supposedly left DIMAR (“Democratic Left”) mean that the new government will
have a highly unstable character.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The political forces<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
SYRIZA, faced with a fierce attack against it by all of the
bourgeois forces, desperately tried to articulate a political program of
neo-Keynesianism: government intervention in support of the welfare state and
a redistribution of income through the adjustment of fiscal policy.
The room for maneuver in order to pursue such a policy under the
conditions of the present economic crisis, however, is nonexistent.
Tsipras tried again to raise the prospect of “reforms” (i.e. the same ideas
that have been repeated so often in pre-election promises during previous
decades by socialists and social democrats) in his speeches, and presented his
own version of this program before the election of June 17: the
“restructuring of production,” the modernization of the state structures and of
the tax system. This is a proposal for a modernization of the
bourgeois system in the middle of its present crisis and for working within the
dominant mechanisms of that system, i.e. the EU and the financial policy of the
“hard euro”. This is completely impossible.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
SYRIZA not only fails to reject these mechanisms, it even
hopes to reform them at a European level in the interests of all European
workers. SYRIZA claims that all this can be carried through by a team of
capable and enlightened political leaders of the Left-economists and experts
ready to transform the state mechanisms. They will audit the “onerous” debt
identify what “fair” share of it will be paid! They will denounce the loan
contracts "in the area of politics and will renegotiate the loan contracts
according to the law"! This is a project that, as we have seen many times
before, leads either to the integration of ambitious individual leaders into
the dominant bourgeois political system or else their forced expulsion from it.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The difference in the present case is that the pace of
economic developments is much faster and the social processes much stronger and
more contradictory. The utopian character of such a program is perceived by
large layers of the working classes, who either reluctantly support SYRIZA or
remain trapped by the dominant bourgeois ideology.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The popular movement, the development of mass initiative and
self-organization, the development of social solidarity--i.e. the items which
are essential for the policy of a worker’s government--cannot be found anywhere
either in Tsipras’s programmatic speeches or in his post-election statements.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
To transform SYRIZA into a force that is, one hand, based
upon the social movement and, on the other, actually promoting the
development of the movement, including popular assemblies and workers'
committees in the workplaces, would require a policy that includes the pursuit
of real power by the workers, not only governmental power. That means the
immediate cessation of payment of the debt, the nationalization of the banking
system and large enterprises under workers’ control, along with a break from
the mechanisms of the capitalist EU and the euro. Such an orientation surpasses
by far the logic and political limits of a purely reformist formation such as
the SYN (Synaspismos) party, which is the dominant force in SYRIZA.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
On the contrary we heard many promises that largely remind
us of the usual pre-election rhetoric presented by bourgeois politicians.
Cultivating mass expectations for welfare benefits and illusions about a
painless parliamentary exit from the crisis essentially disarms and deactivates
the mass movement. Even worse, as routinely emphasized by the leadership of the
Communist Party, the frustration due to a failure of a future left government
to realize its pre-election promises can have dramatic and irreversible effects
on mass consciousness. The current electoral rise of the far right would then
be the prelude to a massive shift to these parties. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The audacity of the “Golden Dawn” (GD) gangs in the streets
of Patras and Athens a few days before June 17 offered a foretaste of what
it would mean to have a nightmarish totalitarian future and a regime of
absolute terror. Today fascist terrorism turns against defenseless immigrants,
but tomorrow it will be used against the workers' movement, trade unionists,
left organizations and their rank and in order to crush any trace of collective
social resistance. The gangs of GD have already been accepted by a significant
proportion of the middle class which has been impoverished or threatened with
destitution. The bullying and the supposedly anti-systemic rhetoric of the
fascists charms an important part of youth who are looking for a dynamic direct
outlet from the decaying bourgeois system. They cannot understand that GD is
the poisoned fruit of that decadent bourgeois system,
the irrational logic of capitalism pushed to its most extreme.
Boundless individualism, the dissolution of all forms of collective social
solidarity, hatred of foreigners, and a grudge against anyone who opposes them,
lead to the invocation and active emergence of the darkest prejudices surviving
in today's society.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The CP leadership entered a period of sectarian frenzy
following the election on May 6. It constantly describes the terrible suffering
that will inevitably occur from a rise of SYRIZA to government power and, at
best, washes its hands like Pontius Pilate. According to CP general secretary
Papariga, the responsibility for any further development belongs exclusively to
the people who have not yet acquired the necessary maturity for social change.
The CP bureaucracy is unable to accept its responsibilities, faced
with the seriousness of the situation, let alone recognize any genuine
expression of popular spontaneous self-organization and self-motivation. It
cannot understand that the rapid developments directly affect the consciousness
of the popular masses and also require immediate positive political proposals.
The CP leadership simply repeats alleged Marxist prophecies about the
"immaturity of the people," to emphasize how the depth of the crisis
of capitalism determines the outcome, although with a considerable delay, and
constantly denounces SYRIZA for tomorrow's betrayals. It is almost certain that
the election results of June 17 will plunge the Communist Party into an
internal crisis which may have some positive results for the working class
movement.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The development of a radical left force that will be able to
intervene decisively and effectively in politics, which has a perspective of
doing more than just pushing a future leftist government to be steadfast, but
rather works to keep alive the energy of protest and focus on the organization
of the mass movement is an issue of life and death for the popular resistance. That
is why ANTARSYA participated independently in the elections of June 17. What
ANTARSYA needs to do through the electoral process is develop its structures
and consolidate its ties with the masses. The election result of May 6 showed
that is possible for ANTARSYA to appeal to broad sections of the population.
The election results of June 17, however, demonstrate that its consolidation of
mass support is still in its infancy. ANTARSYA failed to keep the
allegiance of those who voted for it on May 6 based on its program. On June 17
these voters turned en masse to the "realistic" perspective of a
SYRIZA Government.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
ANTARSYA had been excluded from the formal bourgeois
scene--of politics and media debate--which would have allowed an appeal to
wider layers of workers. At the same time the neo-Nazis were permitted to
participate. But hundreds of ANTARSYA fighters are constantly present in the
daily class struggle on all fronts. Without doubt they are the most honest and
militant elements of the left and of the Greek labor movement, a layer
that has been working for years against the dominant ideology of neoliberalism,
also to resist the reformist misery of the SYN party and the CP's sectarianism.
They actively participate in the rank and file unions, in popular assemblies
and movements of social solidarity.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The very existence of ANTARSYA as a coalition of
fighters from different political traditions and with different historical
references gives a vivid example of how it is actually possible to create
a broad front of workers’ resistance. ANTARSYA currently is the only political
force that not only can avert, through its development, a future dramatic
decline of the labor movement. But also and most importantly, it is currently
the only force that can equip the workers movement with a political
strategy that will lead to victory.<o:p></o:p></div>
</span></div>Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-13575579083457633612012-06-23T01:13:00.001+03:002012-06-23T01:13:04.743+03:00Andreas Kloke: New Memorandum-Government in Greece<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">The elections to the Greek Parliament of June 17 were needed
because after the elections of May 6 no parties were able to form a coalition
government. The result, not unexpectedly, was a “victory” for the rightwing New
Democracy (ND) with 29.7% (compared to 18.9% from May 6). The left alliance
SYRIZA rose from 16.8% (May 6) to 26.9%, but was again only the second
strongest party. Thus, the 50 “extra” seats in parliament, decisive for the
formation of a government, were captured by the now leading memoranda-party ND.
ND is forced, however, to form a coalition government with the badly shrunk and
discredited ex-social democratic PASOK, the third strongest party with 12.3% (a
decrease of 0. 9%). DIMAR, the right wing split from the SYN-party (the leading
force in SYRIZA), will also be involved in the new government. DIMAR polled
6.3% (+0.2%) and is thus the sixth strongest party. For the first time DIMAR
openly takes over responsibility for the memoranda policies. The “Independent
Greeks,” a spin-off of ND, who refuse to support the memoranda policies,
achieved a fourth place finish once again, with 7.5% (- 3.1). <br />
The neo-Nazi gang of Chrysi Avgi ("Golden Dawn" - GM) is now in fifth
place with 6.9% (- 0.1). The stabilization of the neo-Nazis is even more
remarkable since their terrorist character was openly revealed in the weeks
after the May 6 vote, with open attacks on immigrants and leftist politicians
using knives and clubs - in full public view. Nobody can say any longer that
the voters do not know what they were voting for. The permanent installation of
the Nazis in the Greek Parliament - but with almost daily terrorist attacks on
the streets of Athens and elsewhere - as well as in social life is the most
striking result of the elections. The CPG (KKE) received just 4.5% and lost 4%
compared to May. All parties below the 3% - threshold on May 6 had high losses
and became almost insignificant for the outcome of these elections, including
LAOS with 1.6% (- 1.3), “Dimourgia Xana” with 1.6% (- 0.6), the “Green
Ecologists” with 0.9% (- 2.0) and ANTARSYA with 0.33% (- 0.9). The valid votes
cast represented 61.5% of the electorate (- 1.2), again significantly lower
than ever before.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">
<div class="MsoNormal">
A closer look at the election result shows that the shift
between “right” and “left” compared to May 6 is not very big. The right-wing
parties (from ND to GM) together polled 47.3%. The percentage of PASOK as a
“new” right-wing party should be added to this. The left received altogether
39% taking into account also DIMAR and the Greens. The memoranda-parties, so
far ND and PASOK, but now DIMAR too, scored together 48.3%, and of course have
a clear majority in Parliament. In accordance with the rules of bourgeois
parliamentarism this might be interpreted as providing a “democratic mandate”
for the continuation of the memoranda policies. Nevertheless, this “mandate”
is, even in a formal sense, quite weak. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
ND's ”success” must be partially attributed to the
unprecedented propaganda campaign of the memoranda parties and the mass media
in Greece and other European countries, according to which an electoral victory
of the left would have meant Greece’s immediate exit from the euro, the
absolute economic ruin of the country, the termination of all payments etc. In
addition, ND was able to attract most of the traditional right electorate that
was very fragmented on May 6. Nonetheless, the election results of ND are
generally weak, reflecting a historic downward trend that will continue now
with ND’s role as the leading government party. On the left, the SYRIZA party
or alliance could establish itself as the clear leading force primarily because
had it come in first this would have held out the prospect of a “left
government”.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Situation and prospects of the Left<br />
<br />
As for the left-wing parties or alliances and their prospects, it should be
noted that the slogan “Elections now!” issued by the two leading reformist
parties, i.e. KKE and SYRIZA, especially since the great general strike of
October 2011, represents a strategic failure. It was not possible to stop the
memoranda policies through parliamentary elections. The relative strengthening
of the Left as a whole in the two elections was the result of the large
mobilizations of social resistance from May 2010, with its high points of June
and October 2011 as well as February 12. It must be understood that the
resistance was not strong enough to bring down the memoranda policies. Thus it
is not accidental that the strength or weakness of the entire left in the
elections reflects the real balance of power between the main classes in Greek
society. In this respect the election results are the political expression of
the temporary defeat of the resistance movement.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The weakening of KKE in the elections can be partly
explained by its resolute “isolation tactics” along with its strict refusal to
cooperate with other left forces at any level. This is connected to a
necessarily complete lack of any prospect designed to end the prevailing
policy, whether it be by strengthening the resistance movement or by the
(ultimately illusory) parliamentary path.<br />
The SYRIZA leadership has taken clear steps to carve out space as a “left”
alliance for the management of the existing political and social system—i.e.
Greek capitalism—at the government level, particularly after May 6. Still, it
is obvious that the ruling classes of Greece and the EU prefer to get along
without the services of SYRIZA in this regard. The SYRIZA leadership has fully
accepted the logic of the Troika credits and their principal legitimacy and
thus the debt repayments, at the same time also the wage and pension cuts and
the general lowering of living standards imposed by the first memorandum, as
well as the prospect of remaining in the euro-zone. These things were seen as
the primary objective of government policy, thus accepting the “legitimacy” of
the extortionate dilemma posed by the ruling classes. In this way, the main
demand of last year’s movement “We owe nothing, we do not pay, we do not sell!”
was completely diluted, or turned into its opposite. On the central issue of
migration the SYRIZA leadership succumbed in large part to the prevailing
policies and declared immigrants to be a “problem.” The SYRIZA leadership has
not said a single word about how the social resistance can be put back on its
feet or how the deadly threat posed by the neo-Nazi hordes can be stopped.<br />
For ANTARSYA the election results of June 17 are almost tantamount to a
collapse. All of the weaknesses of this formation after May 6 have become
blatantly clear—for example its lack of coherence at the central level as a
result of an inability to overcome the egoism of various organizations, the
weakness of the basic units of the local committees, an inability to confront
the political situation after May 6, to take a stand and respond clearly and
convincingly to the central issues. ANTARSYA must make the necessary
self-criticism in the face of this defeat and draw the appropriate conclusions.
It can hardly continue if it fails to do so. Only in this way will it be
possible for ANTARSYA to develop as one of the main engines of the resistance
movement and as the anti-capitalist and revolutionary pole of the left. There
is no shortage of starting points for joint actions by the entire left in the
spirit of a united front policy. The programmatic perspective for the battles
ahead has, to a large degree, been correctly outlined by ANTARSYA. The class
struggles will undoubtedly sharpen in the coming months. This is what the social
resistance must prepare for. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Andreas Kloke, 06/21/2012)<o:p></o:p></div>
<!--EndFragment--></span><br />
<!--EndFragment-->Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-42017013201904886422012-06-23T00:07:00.000+03:002012-06-23T00:07:47.799+03:00ANTARSYA: First Estimates on the 17 June Elections<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><br /></span><br />
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: white; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">1. The June 17
elections marked a turning point in the fierce confrontation waged within Greek
society. They reflected the major conflicts and divisions that transverse Greek
society, the intense social and political confrontations, the big labor and
popular struggles of the past years, but also the attempts of the pro-austerity
forces to regroup and reorganize after their loss of legitimacy in the May 6
elections. However, the rift opened by the popular uprising, which took an
explosive form in the May 6 election, is still active.<br />
<br />
2. New Democracy managed to take the first place, having managed to regroup
around it a significant number of conservative voters. It benefited from the
ideological blackmail that dominated the electoral campaign and it aligned itself
fully with the most reactionary forces of the European bourgeoisie and took
advantage of the scandalous intervention by A. Merkel and other representatives
of leading capitalist countries in favor of it. However, its electoral success
is far from being a triumph. Despite the support it took, it did not manage to
pass the 30% threshold, remaining in lower results than its erstwhile
historical low of 2009. Along with the continuous collapse of PASOK it is a
manifestation of the deep crisis of the pro-austerity parties.<br />
<br />
3. The success of New Democracy opened the way for the formation of a
government by New Democracy, PASOK and Democratic Left. This government will
also attempt to introduce even harsher measures against labor. Despite all the
talk about renegotiating the loan agreement and a strategy of ‘national
salvation’, it will be a pro-austerity , reactionary, authoritarian government,
in full conformity to the demands of capital, the EU, the IMF, ready to impose
budget cuts, lay-offs, wage cuts, and privatizations.<br />
<br />
4. Despite the support it has from the forces of capital, the EU-IMF-ECB Troika
and corporate Media and in contrast to Samara’s insistence on a ‘long-term
government’, the new government will be unstable, unable to last, a government
that will soon face the anger of the people and a new wave of labor struggles.
It is a government even weaker than the Papandreou or the Papadimos
governments. That it is why they insisted on the participation of the
Democratic Left, as a ‘left’ ally, in the same way they used the far right Laos
in the Papademos government. However, in contrast to the rhetoric about a
‘return to growth’, the politics dictated under the terms of the loan
agreements will only lead to a default and an even more acute crisis of Greek capitalism,
in light of the global economic crisis and the crisis and reactionary mutation
of the Eurozone and the EU in general. It is going to be a short-term
government, and it is the responsibility of the movement to make sure that it
does not last long.<br />
<br />
5. During the whole period of the May – June elections there was a massive turn
to the Left, mainly towards SYRIZA, leading to the biggest electoral results
for the Left since 1958. The fact that so many voters turned their back to the
austerity ‘black front’, refused to surrender to the ideological blackmail from
the ruling classes, and chose to vote for the Left, is a sign of hopeful
possibilities. Even in an uneven way, it is the manifestation of the desire of
large segments of society to get rid of austerity and the terms of the loan
agreement, especially if we take into consideration that most people from
working class and popular strata, from productive ages, from urban centres
voted for the Left.<br />
<br />
6. The fact that the fascist, far-right Golden Dawn kept its electoral strength
is a negative development. It is the result of the far-right policies of
Samaras who, in the same way as Sarkozy in France, adopted all the racist
rhetoric, thus offering the necessary legitimacy to the neo-nazis. It is also the
result of the policies of Venizelos that even after the violence of Golden Dawn
MP Kasidiaris against MPs of the Left, insisted that for this display of
violence it not Golden Dawn that is responsible but the Left! We will continue
to expose the nationalist demagogy of the neo-nazis, who are servile towards
the EU, the euro and NATO, but, at the same time, they instigate racist hatred
against immigrants and the people in neighbor countries. Golden Dawn for us is
a product of current capitalist monstrosity, of the deep economic, political
and cultural crisis of modern capitalism and at the same time an integral part
of the repressive mechanism against the movement. It time for the Left to
condemn and fight the reactionary, systemic, pro-bosses role of Golden Dawn and
to confront it with a strong antifascist movement. With unity and
determination, we can win in the fight against fascism.<br />
<br />
7. The SYRIZA leadership did not manage, during the electoral campaign, to
answer the ideological terrorism about the euro and the need to avoid
‘unilateral’ actions against our creditors. By insisting on ‘left europeanism’
and making the ‘yes to the euro’ position the central tenet of its electoral
campaign, it could not answer the ideological terrorism of the ruling classes.
Consequently, the electoral debate shifted to a terrain that was more favorable
to systemic forces. This is was expressed in the way SYRIZA’s program turned
more to the direction of a ‘renegotiation’ within the limits of the Eurozone
and the terms of the loan agreements, exactly the limits that the ruling
classes set after the May 6 election. Consequently, this program could not
offer a way for the immediate relief of the popular classes, nor could it
express the desire of the people for radical change. The ‘realism’ of SYRIZA
leadership led to the pledges to the euro, to presenting budget surpluses as a
solution, even to praising the police! And it is obvious that such positions do
not answer the militant and radical aspirations of many of SYRIZA’s voters and
the demand of the people for the Left to be a force of struggle against the new
government and not a force of ‘responsible opposition’ that will simply wait
for the government to fall under the weight of its own contradictions. The
tactics of ‘responsible opposition’ do not help the formation of a broader
social and political front in order to answer the attacks by bourgeois and
pro-austerity forces. Without a radical program, without organized movements
and a strong labor movement, it is not possible to answer the attack and to
struggle for power.<br />
<br />
8. The great electoral loss of the Communist Party (KKE) is not a positive
development for the people and the labor movement. However, it is the result of
its strategy and politics. Its sectarian tactics, the hostility against other
forces of the movement, the postponement of any possibility for anti-capitalist
changes until the far future of ‘people’s power’, the refusal to take a clear
position on the dilemmas posed to Greek society such as the euro, the defeatist
insistence on the impossibility of victory, the refusal of unitary action with
other forces of the Left, its hostility against major expressions of popular
struggle, all these contributed to this result. Today the challenge for all the
forces of the Left, including the KKE is to contribute to the necessary unitary
struggles and the necessary anticapitalist program.<br />
<br />
9. ANTARSYA suffered big electoral losses in comparison to the May 6 elections.
It is a negative result in contrast to the significant rise of our vote in May.
It is true that thousands of ANTARSYA voters (but also from other currents of
the Left and KKE), choose to vote for SYRIZA, but this should not be read as an
endorsement to a ‘responsible opposition’ tactic. We have to organize with them
the new struggles to which ANTARSYA has to play an indispensable role. We would
like to thank the thousands of ANTARYA militants that fought a hard and
difficult electoral campaign, avoiding useless polemics against other forces of
the Left, and insisting on the necessary anticapitalist program, on the
necessary militant front of struggle, on the need to escalate the
confrontation. ANTARSYA was the only force of the Left that insisted that the
exit from the Eurozone and the EU, the annulment of the debt, nationalizations
and workers’ control could be the starting points for the immediate relief of
the people and for the overthrow of austerity policies. ANTARSYA supported many
labor struggles. It insisted on the unity in struggle of the forces of the Left.
That is why ANTARSYA is indispensable for the future of our struggles. ANTARSYA
is a crucial force of the Left. We have a responsibility against the movement.<br />
<br />
That is why it is necessary to have a self-critical discussion of this negative
electoral result.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><br /></span><br />
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 10pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: white; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">The electoral result made evident problems and
deficiencies in our ability to mobilize all ANTARSYA militants.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 10pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: white; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">There were also problems in our ability to
connect to all these people that turned to the Left, both in political and
organizational terms.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 10pt; margin-left: 0cm; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: white; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;">There were deficiencies in our political and
ideological preparedness. On the one hand, these had to do with the
anticapitalist program. We did not manage to explain why it could lead to
the relief of the people, nor did we elaborate on its reference to a
socialist and communist strategy. On the other hand, they had to do with
the question of power and how the struggle for political power must be
based on modern conception of the revolutionary strategy, in order to avoid
defeat.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><br /></span><br />
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: white; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 150%;"><br />
We need a thorough discussion of the program, political line and tactics of
ANTARSYA, in an open and democratic way, insisting on the necessary political
and ideological autonomy of the anticapitalist Left, as a different current
within the Left. We must work on the anticapitalist program and explain how it
can lead not only to the immediate relief from austerity but also to radical
social change. We must work on a strategy and tactics regarding the question of
governmental and political power, the necessary forms of people’s and worker’s
self-organization, the revolutionary break with capitalist social relations,
the necessary forms of organizing the necessary militant front of struggle. We
must intervene in the debates in the Left insisting on the need for an
anticapitalist strategy.<br />
<br />
10. Ahead of us are great challenges<br />
-To help build the necessary militant front of struggle and escalate the
struggle for a movement that will fight the new attacks and overthrow the
government; to escalate the forms of struggle, instead of the ‘responsible
opposition’ tactics; to insist on the necessary political demands of the
movement, demanding the complete repeal of the laws associate with the
austerity policies, the unilateral refusal of the loan agreements, the break
with the euro and the debt, the need for immediate measures for the relief of
workers.<br />
- To take the initiative for an immediate militant response to urgent matters
such as collective contracts, privatizations, mass lay-offs, tax-hikes, the
University Law; to organize a strike and mass demonstration, once the
government is in office; to insist on the need for the coordination of the
trade unions in rupture with the trade union bureaucracy.<br />
- To organize the people as a necessary condition for its survival and also for
the reversal of austerity, through a new class-oriented regrouping of the trade
union movement, through popular assemblies in neighborhoods and workplaces in
order to organize the struggle and to discuss the political strategy of the movement,
with various forms of solidarity, with the organization of resistance and
self-defense against the ‘black front’.<br />
- With unity and determination, we must fight against the neo-nazis. We need
mass action in workplaces, in schools, in neighborhoods, to fight the social
roots of the problem, to expose the reactionary role of the neo-nazis, to call
for unitary antifascist action of the Left, to fight racism through the class
unity of workers, Greeks and immigrants, with unitary democratic antifascist committees
and initiatives.<br />
- To take the initiative for the regrouping of all the forces that have an
anticapitalist and anti-EU position, that insist on the break with the debt,
the euro and the loan agreements, beginning with those currents and comrades that
supported ANTARSYA in these elections, but also opening the discussion to all
those that share these aspirations.<br />
-To have a more profound and democratic discussion inside ANTARSYA, opening up
the discussion on all levels, at local assemblies, at the National Coordinating
Committee.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><br /></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin: 0cm 0cm 10pt;">
<br /></div>Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-49301334551898402492012-06-17T18:01:00.000+03:002012-06-17T18:01:09.921+03:00Philippe Alcoy (NPA-RCC, France): SYRIZA and the position of revolutionaries<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">The unprecedented results of the Greek elections in May 2012 that gave
SYRIZA the possibility of forming a government led by Alexis Tsipras bring to
light once more the debate around the position of revolutionaries regarding the
political forces to the “left of the left”. This is even more important taking
into account that SYRIZA is softening its discourse.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">The outcome of the general elections
on May 6, with the defeat of PASOK and New Democracy – the main pillars of the
two-party system – and the large number of votes obtained by small parties
demonstrate the profound crisis of the regime established after the fall of the
dictatorship of the colonels in 1974. These elections also have converted
SYRIZA, the coalition of the "radical left", into one of the main
actors in Greek politics after obtaining a historic result, nearly 17% of the
vote, with the Greek left being offered a unique opportunity to form a
government.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">In these elections, SYRIZA presented
a clearly reformist and vague “formula” of power: the formation of a
"government of the left". Despite its ambiguity, this
"formula" obtained the votes of many workers and young people who
were seeking an alternative to the austerity programme implemented by the
"traditional parties" of the regime. It represented in particular an
alternative to the left of the Greek Social Democracy, the PASOK. As for
SYRIZA’s current programme, firstly it is more conservative and right-wing than
the one defended by PASOK in 1981 when it first came to power. Secondly, since
its electoral success in May, SYRIZA has evolved towards the right. In fact,
although SYRIZA’s programme has always been reformist in its main points, the
elections in June have pushed it into making further changes. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">The new elections on June 17 could
result in SYRIZA becoming the largest party which could lead to a coalition
government of the left forces. This forecast has had an impact on the leaders
of SYRIZA. They present themselves as a “responsible left” – one which would be
acceptable to the markets and the European partners. In this sense, it is not
an accident that Alexis Tsipras – the main leader of SYRIZA – during his recent
visit to Paris on May 21 stated that he was not a “leader of the extreme left”.
In an interview with Radio Europe 1 he said: “I would like to make clear that I
am not the leader of an extreme left party. I am the leader of a democratic
party of the left which has found itself at the centre of Greek political life
and its aspirations express the aspirations of the majority of Greek society”.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">The Anticapitalist Left
(GA) supports Tsipras…</span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">Undoubtedly, the electoral victory of
SYRIZA has been presented as the model to follow by a considerable number of
leaders within a wide range of political parties, from the Left Front in France
and even reformist academics, including anti-neoliberals who are looking for
electoral short cuts to reach the masses. But the SYRIZA electoral phenomenon
has also dazzled the leaders of the Anticapitalist Left (Gauche
Anticapitaliste, GA), the unitary current for eco-socialism in the New
Anticapitalist Party (NPA), which in a statement from May 24 declared</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">: </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">"Today, in
Greece as elsewhere, we must be part of the radical left forces that create
hope. We must take part in [this type of project]</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">
</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>if we want to contribute to the building of a
counter-power in order to have a say in key debates”. The National Political
Committee (CPN) of the NPA added in its draft project of resolution that “this
initiative shows how a modern revolutionary initiative could be.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">”<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">At the same time they offer a
lapidary criticism of ANTARSYA, the coalition of anticapitalist groups that are
on the extreme left in Greece, declaring that "since they are blinded by
the call for an exit from the euro, they do not represent a credible solution
to the suffering of the population. ANTARSYA has obtained a mere 1.2% of the
votes and it refuses to confront what is really at stake in this period, that
is the call for unity made by SYRIZA, with more than a vague ’we will see in
the struggle</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">’”<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;"> Besides, using a reformist method of assessing the
"value" of political currents according to their election results, the
leaders of the Gauche Anticapitaliste condemn ANTARSYA’s call for a withdrawal
from the euro, a policy which they deem as a "fixed idea", while they
are maintain silence about SYRIZA’s "fixed idea" to stay within the
euro, and more broadly, in the European Union. The right-wing criticisms of
ANTARSYA by the Gauche Anticapitalist, similar to those launched against
Philippe Poutou during his electoral campaign and against the NPA after the
first round of presidential elections</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">, indicate to what extent the leaders of this
movement, impressed by the outcome of the elections, have decided to take a
path that will lead straight to reformism. This is one of the logical
consequences of projects that seek to build "broad anti-capitalist
parties" without strategic delimitation. <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">It is precisely the strategic
ambiguity of these currents that in the end leads to liquidating any reference
to Marxism, merging with the reformists of the Front de Gauche (Left Front)
type.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">The USFI is
enthusiastic about SYRIZA</span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">Unfortunately this stance is not
limited to the Gauche Anticapitaliste. SYRIZA has also received the support of
the United Secretariat of the Fourth International (USFI), the international
current of which the former LCR was a member. Some of its main leaders are
within the majority current inside the NPA. In a statement issued on May 24,
the Executive Bureau (EB) wrote: "</span><span class="Strong1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">Confronted by the policy imposed by the Troika, the Greek
radical Left, and in particular Syriza, which today occupies a central place in
the Greek political situation, defends a 5-point emergency plan:</span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="line-height: 12.0pt; margin: 6.0pt; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-color: #990000; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">1. Abolition of the memoranda, of all measures
of austerity and of the counter-reforms of the labour laws which are destroying
the country.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="line-height: 12.0pt; margin: 6.0pt; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-color: #990000; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">2. Nationalization of the banks which have
been largely paid by government aid.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="line-height: 12.0pt; margin: 6.0pt; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-color: #990000; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">3. A moratorium on payment of the debt and an
audit which will make it possible to denounce and abolish the illegitimate
debt.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="line-height: 12.0pt; margin: 6.0pt; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-color: #990000; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">4. Abolition of immunity of ministers from
prosecution.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="line-height: 12.0pt; margin: 6.0pt; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-color: #990000; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">5. Modification of the electoral law which
allowed PASOK and New Democracy to govern to the detriment of the Greek
population and to plunge the country into crisis.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><o:p></o:p></b></span></span></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="line-height: 12.0pt; margin: 6.0pt; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">The
Fourth International calls on the whole of the international workers’ movement,
on all the indignant, on all those who defend the ideals of the Left, to
support such an emergency programme</span></b><span class="Strong1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">"</span></span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">[3]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></b></span></a><span class="Strong1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"> </span></span><span class="Strong1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">(our emphasis).</span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span class="Strong1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">This statement, incidentally, was
published without any attempt to consult the Greek section of the Fourth
International – OKDE-Spartakos – which is in ANTARSYA and that is standing its
own candidate in the elections on June 17</span></span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span class="Strong1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">. But with this statement, the
Executive Bureau of the Fourth International takes a shortcut that leads right
to a reformist impasse. In fact, SYRIZA’s emergency programme, which the EB
asks us to support, is totally insufficient to provide a solution to the
workers and the masses facing the crisis of the country. Let’s look at this in
more detail.</span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span class="Strong1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">Does the cancellation of the memorandum mean the end
of austerity measures?</span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span class="Strong1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">The demand for the cancellation of
the memorandum and all austerity measures which have been imposed onto the
Greek people since the beginning of the crisis is without doubt a key demand in
the present situation. But, does the cancellation of the memorandum represent
the end of the austerity and all the sacrifices imposed to the Greek workers
and urban poor? The leaders of SYRIZA let the doubt be installed. When a
journalist from Europe 1 asked Alex Tsipras if SYRIZA will also ask the Greek
people to tight their belts, he replied very clearly: “yes, we will ask people
to do sacrifices, but sacrifices which are worth something, because so far all
the sacrifices were worthless</span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">”<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.
We can also quote Rena Dourou, MP for SYRIZA, which declared in an interview to
Le Monde that “without being against restructuring</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">
</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">the finances, we
vindicate the renegotiation with a different logic, completely different to the
current one.”<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">At the same time, SYRIZA in its “new
economic program”<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
insists </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">on this idea of "cleaning up the
finances" of the state: "SYRIZA will present a legislation to
parliament with a national plan for economic and social development, rebuilding
of production, equitable redistribution of income and balanced consolidation of
public finances "(</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">underlined by us). So, once again we
face the old talk about "sharing the sacrifices" that in times of
crisis is useful for the trade union bureaucracy and reformist leaders.</span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;"><br /></span></span></b></div>
<div class="NormalWeb1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">Who spoke of the “nationalization of
the banks”?</span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="NormalWeb1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="NormalWeb1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">Even if the austerity measures were abandoned
completely and the memorandum were annulled, in order for this to have an
effect, it would have to be accompanied by other measures that want more than
just “a return to the situation before the crisis”. In this sense, it is
imperative to question the interests of finance capital. Nevertheless, even
though we were told that SYRIZA defended the nationalization of the banks under
workers’ control, the “five-point emergency program” that the USFI presented
only offer the perspective to nationalize those banks who received public money
(without saying under what conditions – through purchase or expropriation – or
under what forms – under workers' control or not). So, if this measure was
applied, there would be coexistence and competition between a “public bank
pole” and another private pole, with all this would imply. Even more, this
“public bank pole” would be unable to ensure cheap credits for the workers and
small merchants who are crushed by the debt and the horrendous interests' rates
of the private sector. Moreover, it is an illusion to think that even a simple
audit of the debt would be possible without the nationalization under workers'
control of the entire bank sector, a sector who is involved in thousands of
scandals of corruption and tax evasion in these last years.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">Nonetheless, like we mentioned above, SYRIZA is
“updating” and “adapting” its program while its polls and votes are rising. In
this manner, we can read in the “new economic program” which was presented on
1st June that “</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">SYRIZA is not opposed to the
program of bank recapitalization even though it gives it a different character
to the direction of their nationalization.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">
[…] </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">Nevertheless, this program
cannot be interrupted during this phase of bank recapitalization without a bank
collapse. <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">SYRIZA is not, therefore,
opposed to bank recapitalization in accordance with the specific loan agreement
that supports this recapitalization,</b> the only difference being that this
must happen with ordinary shares after a vote (and not without a vote as
decided by PASOK and ND as part of their coalition government under L.
Papademos).</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">The
recapitalization of the banks with ordinary shares after a vote will result in
banks going under national state ownership. […] A government of the Left will
not only nationalize banks but will also socialize then, meaning that it will
put them under state and social control” (underlined by us). </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">To avoid a “bank collapse”, SYRIZA is prepared
to accept the “specific loan agreement” for the recapitalization of the bank,
in other words the money of the Troika, which is an obvious contradiction of
its proclaimed rejection of the memorandum. Later, we discover that the
“nationalizations” wouldn't be more than the purchase of some banks via
ordinary shares and not the expropriation of the banks without indemnification.
In regard to the workers' control, SYRIZA defends a very ambiguous </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">“social and state control”<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;">. While “social
control” would still have to be defined, we already know very well what “state
control” means: the administration by bureaucrats of the bourgeois State
(because SYRIZA right now doesn't question the bourgeois States) designated by
the political power. </span></span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;"><br /></span></span></b></div>
<div class="NormalWeb1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">The question of the nationalization
of the strategic enterprises</span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">In the five points on which the EC of the USFI bases its support for
SYRIZA, there isn't even the mention of the nationalization of the strategic
sectors of the economy (to not even talk about workers' control). But without
nationalization under workers' control of the fundamental industries, it is
impossible to give an answer to one of the most urgent problems of the workers
in Greece like the unemployment. Only a distribution of the working hours could
stop the unemployment which affects more than one million people in the
country, i.e. 21% of the active population. But about this point, the new
economic program of SYRIZA also has something to say: “</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">A fundamental strategic direction of SYRIZA will be
the <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">state control</b> of strategic areas
of the economy (e.g. energy, telecommunications, railways, ports, airports
etc.) In this context, strategic enterprises will gradually go under state
control, ones that are either in the process of privatization or have been
privatized (DEH, OTE, OSE, ELTA, EYDAP, public transportation etc.)</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">The timeline, manner, speed and means by which the
above fundamental and non-negotiable strategic course will materialize, will be
specifically determined by the government of the Left based on the specific
circumstances, capabilities and problems it will be faced with.” </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">First of all, we can see that we're not even dealing with the vague
“social control” but plain and simple with “state control” - capitalist state
control without a doubt, even with a leftist government. Afterwards, there is
no mention of the modalities or the rhythm of these nationalizations, except
that the “government of the left” will decide later on. Lastly, if this plan
would be put into practice one day, in the best case scenario we would see the
coexistence of a public sector, limited to some sectors of the industry
(communication, transport, energy) with some large state companies (or joint
ventures) who are led by high functionaries and where the workers would have no
right to decide and control, side by side with a private sector that is
dominated by large Greek or foreign multinational companies.</span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;"><br /></span></span></b></div>
<div class="NormalWeb1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">Pay the “legitimate debt”?</span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-color: #990000; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="NormalWeb1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-color: #990000; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">While the demand of payment of the Greek state debt, which is led by the
banks of the imperialist powers of the EU, first of all by France and Germany,
is being used b them as a pretext to apply the terrible attacks against the masses
in Greece, the EC of the USFI joins the calls of the reformists who ask for a
moratorium on the payment of the debt and an audit to pay the “legitimate
debt”. Because when they say they want to “abolish the illegitimate part of the
debt”, that doesn't mean anything other than to be in favour of the payment of
the “legitimate part of the debt”. However, we have to ask since when do the
workers should have to pay the debts, even partial ones, of the capitalist
State, i.e. the State of the bourgeoisie and the bankers who exploit and
oppress the workers and who are leading us into barbarism right now? They talk
to us about illegitimate and legitimate debt as if the workers and the masses
could decide and control where the bourgeois State invests and under which
conditions it gets into debt! Even if we considered, only for a second, the
payment of the money that was used to finance the health-care or the
educational budget, in reality this money was already paid a long time ago with
the payment of the interest rates of the debt.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">When we say that the capitalists have to pay their own crisis, this also
means that the debts of the capitalist states belong to the bourgeoisie. This
doesn't seem to be the orientation of Tsipras. “</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">SYRIZA intends to annul the Loan Agreements, in order
to replace their onerous terms and renegotiate the process of cancelling of the
largest part of the total public debt, in order for the remainder to be
repayable, under terms and conditions that will not place in doubt the national
sovereignty and economic viability of our country”,</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">
we can read in the new economic program. But attention: for those who think
this is already too “radical”, Tsipras' “comrades” didn't forget a small
“clause”: “</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">The manner, timing, as well as
the entire political and legal aspect of this condemnation and the
renegotiation of the Loan Agreements will be decided and implemented by a
government of the Left depending on its capability and the particular
circumstances.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">”<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><o:p></o:p></i></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">Are the revolutionaries indifferent towards the question of the Euro and
the EU?</span></b></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="Heading3A" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; tab-stops: 0cm 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.55pt;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">Another central element which doesn't appear in the
famous “5 points of emergency” is the question of the relationship between a
hypothetical “government of the left” formed after the elections of 17th June,
and the imperialist institutions of the EU and the Eurozone. And we can
perfectly understand that because the leaders of SYRIZA don't stop proclaiming
to whoever wants to listen that they want to keep the country within the
Eurozone and the EU. In this sense, in the declaration of the EC of the USFI we
can read that “</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">The crisis is not Greece’s crisis,
but the crisis of the European Union </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">subjected to the will of capital and
of the governments in its service</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">. It is the crisis
of the capitalist mode of production in the whole world. It is not up to the
Troika, but to the Greek people to decide on the policy to be followed in that
country. [...] </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">It is not the euro, but the diktats of the Troika that
have to be combated today</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">” (underlined by
us).Here we can see that the EC of the USFI, in order not to enter into
contradiction with the official line of the “champion of the radical left”</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">, presents us the EU not as an
instrument of the “will of the capital” but as a “victim” of capital and its
governments. Later, they intent to lull us in with sweet illusions about how
the workers of Greece could fight consequently against the “dictates of the
Troika” without fundamentally questioning the participation of the country in
the Eurozone, or that this is at least “not a struggle that is on the agenda
today”, as if we would be faced with two different struggles or phases.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="Heading3A" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; tab-stops: 0cm 7.1pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">However, this question is not superfluous and without
implications. This is true for all the countries of the Eurozone and the EU,
but the question is posed in a particular form in Greece, due to the
relationship between its participation in this inter-imperialist alliance and
the privileges which the Greek imperialist bourgeoisie obtains from it. In this
sense, “Membership of the EU and the Eurozone constitutes a strategic choice of
the Greek capitalists. It is the concrete way that Greek capitalism is
integrated in the global imperialist chain. It is the concrete process through
which the Greek capitalism is taking part in the international capitalist
competition and the global sharing of the surplus values and the profits.
Therefore, it cannot exist a contemporary revolutionary program and an actual
revolutionary perspective without analysing this particular way of
participation and function of the Greek capitalism in the international
capitalist division of labour [...] </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">Without any doubt, participation in
the EU and the Eurozone is the new “Great Idea” of the Greek capitalism; in the
name of which they call –especially now, during the crisis– the subordinate
classes to suffer terrible sacrifices, which are imposed through the
Memorandums and the Programs of Stability. This involvement with the EU
empowered Greek capitalism to play the role of a peripheral force –a local
imperialism– in the Balkan and Eastern Mediterranean region. Participation in
the EU made Greek capital the necessary partner of the big European imperialist
forces alongside with the US to their interventions in the Balkans and in
Eastern Europe (an example is the fact that the expansion of Coca-Cola in the
above regions through the Greek company 3E). [...] The introduction of the Euro
enriched the Greek ruling class with the necessary hard currency and the needed
low interests rates in order for them to obtain the appropriate capital funds
and be able to take part in the theft of public property of the countries of
Eastern Europe, thus making Greece an exporter of capital all the last decade.
Without its participation in the EU and in the Eurozone, Greece could not play
this role in the region.”</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">[8]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="Heading3A" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; tab-stops: 0cm 21.3pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">We can thus see all the superficiality in wanting to
separate the question of the Euro and the EU from the “dictates of the Troika”
and the interest of the Greek bourgeoisie. The participation of Greece in the
Eurozone and the EU is an instrument which the Greek </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">periferic
imperialism possesses to participate in the oppression of the semicolonies of
the region. Thus, we understand better “why for the time being the bourgeois
think tanks have not produced an alternative strategy on how to control the
crisis; a strategy that could include the exit from the Euro and the return to
the national currency of the drachmas, in order for the Greek capitalism to
obtain some instruments for implementing a currency policy”</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">[9]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">. In this sense, the wish to want to stay in the Eurozone
and the EU at all costs, which SYRIZA defends, is not only no contradiction to
the interests of the Greek bourgeoisie but it is functional to them.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">But the belief in the “European
values” and the “European partners” that SYRIZA expresses seems to be “firm”,
to the point that they consider the expulsion of Greece from the Eurozone as
practically impossible: “The possibility of a country’s exit from the euro is
used as the primary blackmail on the road to these elections. For us this
possibility cannot be the choice of our partners, unless they have decided on
the destruction of the euro and the dismantling of the Eurozone”, we can read
in the new economic program. The reason for this is that SYRIZA shares one
fundamental point of its program with Nea Dimokratia and PASOK: to maintain
Greece as a “viable capitalism” within the Euro. While the Right wants to show
itself as more efficient in achieving this, Tsipras and the leaders of his
coalition bet that the fear of a sector of the European imperialist bourgeoisie
of the perspective of another catastrophe like “Lehman Brothers” (or worse) in
the EU makes a SYRIZA government look like something acceptable in the
framework of the crisis. In this sense, Tsipras' “gestures” towards François
Hollande, presenting his election in France as a “first step towards a
political change in the EU”, are not innocent.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">This doesn't mean – like some leftist
parties like the Stalinist Greek Communist Party (KKE) and other
nationalist-bourgeois currents do – that revolutionary Marxists should advocate
a rupture with the EU and the Euro in the name of a “national sovereignty”. No.
We defend the rupture with the international imperialist institutions in the
name of the socialist revolution and in the perspective of the conquest of
power by the workers. In other words, for the proletariat, the only progressive
rupture with the Euro and the EU is that one that will be the consequence of
its fight to end capitalism and for the construction of its own power. Such a
rupture with the EU, the euro and other structures of imperialism like the NATO
or the UNO, which only a workers' government brought to power by a victorious
socialist revolution could carry out, could constitute a first step towards the
extension of the revolutionary struggle of the workers and the masses on the
continent in the perspective of the construction of the United Socialist States
of Europe. Evidently, the struggle of the European proletariat would also have
an impact on the workers south of the Mediterranean who already find themselves
in a full-on revolutionary process. This is the most efficient way to fight
against imperialism and its international institutions, as well as against
reactionary nationalist tendencies.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">The illusions about a
“government of the left” that reconciles with imperialism</span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="Heading3A" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; tab-stops: 0cm 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Heading3A" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; tab-stops: 0cm 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">In the framework of this scandalous programmatic
support, the EC of the United Secretariat of the Fourth International proposes
the following demand: “We want the Greek people to succeed in </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">imposing, by its votes and its mobilizations, a government of all the
social and political Left</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">
which refuses austerity, a government capable of imposing the cancellation of
the debt. It is in this perspective that we call for the coming together of all
the forces which are fighting against austerity in Greece — Syriza, Antarsya,
the KKE, the trade unions and the other social movements — around an emergency
plan” (underlined by us). But this call to form a possible “government of the
left” headed by SYRIZA is far away from contributing to sectors of workers and
the youth advancing in reaching the conclusion that the only program to
confront the austerity measures is an anticapitalist and revolutionary program.
Instead it nourishes the illusions that a parliamentary and </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;">pacifical way out of this crisis is possible, without
confronting the imperialist institutions like the EU or attacks the interests
of the capitalists. This policy is particularly opportunist in light of the
probable perspective that the deepening of the crisis and a leap in the class
struggle develop openly counterrevolutionary tendencies that are supported by
sectors of the bourgeoisie and the scared middle classes, which is already
anticipated in the rise of the neo-Nazi party Chrissy Avghi (Golden Dawn).</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">In the best case, we can consider
that the call for a “government of the left” by the EC of the USFI would be an
aberrant deformation of the tactic of the “workers' and peasants' government”
that is expressed in the Transitional Program, as a demand towards reformist or
petit-bourgeois leaderships of the workers in struggle (and not of electoral
movements like in Greece today), in the framework of revolutionary situations
(something that is not yet the case in Greece). For Trotsky, this demand has
the objective that the masses break with the bourgeoisie and take over the
power, which is insolubly connected to the audacious impulse of the development
of organisms of double power of the “Soviet” type.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<div class="NormalWeb1" style="tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">In the “Transitional Program”,
Trotsky explains the experience of the October Revolution where “</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">From April to September 1917, the Bolsheviks demanded that the SRs and
Mensheviks break with the liberal bourgeoisie and take power into their own
hands. Under this provision the Bolshevik Party promised the Mensheviks and the
SRs, as the petty bourgeois representatives of the worker and peasants, its
revolutionary aid against the bourgeoisie <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">categorically
refusing, however, either to enter into the government of the Mensheviks and
SRs or to carry political responsibility for it.</b> (...) the demand of the
Bolsheviks, addressed to the Mensheviks and the SRs: ‘Break with the
bourgeoisie, take the power into your own hands!’ had for the masses tremendous
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">educational significance.</b> The
obstinate unwillingness of the Mensheviks and SRs to take power, so
dramatically exposed during the July Days, definitely doomed them before mass
opinion and prepared the victory of the Bolsheviks.”</span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">[10]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></b></span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;"> (underlined by us).<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial;"> As
we can see, the objective of this tactic was above all to accelerate the
experience of the masses with the reformists and attract them towards the
revolutionaries. In this sense, while the Bolshevists proposed their support to
a government of the reformists in view of the attacks of reactions, at the same
time they categorically denied to enter this government.</span></span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="FootnoteReference1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="FootnoteReference1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"> The USFI does the opposite thing
when they give their programmatic support to an openly reformist government. An
that is not a “detail”. It is a central question, above all in a moment where </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">“</span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">former members of the
bureaucracy of PASOK governments (like Katseli, minister of national economy
and later of labour in the memorandum government of Papandreou, or Kotsakas,
also a former minister and close partner of Tsohatzopoulos, currently
imprisoned for corruption)</span></i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">”<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="mso-ansi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">[12]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></b></span></a>.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"> This indicates that SYRIZA could
even transform itself into a “popularfrontist” force that is a force of
collaboration with a fraction or elements of the bourgeoisie that until
yesterday applied the plans of austerity that SYRIZA pretends to combat<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">[13]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></b></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">In this way, the USFI transforms a
tactic to accelerate the experience of the masses with the reformist
leaderships, in acute situations of class struggle, in an electoral support to
class-collaborationist candidates and programs.</span></span></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">For an actual revolutionary policy</span></span></div>
<div class="Heading3A" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; tab-stops: 0cm 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="BodyText1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">The Greek workers and youth have
shown a strong will to resist and a great fighting spirit to confront the plans
of austerity in the streets. Some advanced sectors, althougha minority, have
even had experiences of work-place occupations. However, until now, these
actions and energies of struggle were canalized by a trade union bureaucracy
that sold out to the bourgeois parties which prevented the development of a
tendency towards an unlimited general strike by calling for isolated days of
strikes. This has also been a big responsibility of the KKE (Greek Communist
Party) who has been an obstacle for the development of a workers' united front
by combining selfproclamatory and sectarian policies with a reformist and </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">electoralist program<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">[14]</span></b></span><!--[endif]--></span></b></span></a>.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="Heading3A" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; tab-stops: 0cm 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Heading3A" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; tab-stops: 0cm 7.1pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">Without a doubt, in order to defeat the plans of the
EU and the Greek bourgeoisie, a revolutionary program is necessary which is at
the height of the offensive of the capitalists who want the workers to carry
the weight of the crisis, a program which combines emergency measures like the cancellation
of the debt and the austerity programs with transitional measures like the
nationalization of the bank system under workers' control, the expropriation of
the grand capitalists in the perspective to impose a government of the workers
and the masses based on organisms of workers' democracy, which would be a first
step in the struggle for the United Socialist States of Europe.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="Heading3A" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm; tab-stops: 0cm 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri; font-weight: normal;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="NormalWeb1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; font-family: Calibri;">June 8, 2012</span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="NormalWeb1" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; tab-stops: 35.4pt 70.8pt 106.2pt 141.6pt 177.0pt 212.4pt 247.8pt 283.2pt 318.6pt 354.0pt 389.4pt 424.8pt 460.2pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-GB" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: #990000; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; font-family: Calibri;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;">
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #eeeeee;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><b>Philippe
Alcoy</b> is member of the CCR (Courant Communiste Révolutionnaire -<a href="http://www.ccr4.org/">http://www.ccr4.org</a>) in the NPA and of the
FT-CI. For further documents and publications please visit the website: </span><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><a href="http://www.ft-ci.org/?lang=es"><span class="Hyperlink1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">http://www.ft-ci.org/?lang=es</span></span></a></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> (Spanish) and </span><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><a href="http://www.ft-ci.org/?lang=en"><span class="Hyperlink1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">http://www.ft-ci.org/?lang=en</span></span></a></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> (English).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="FR" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span> See: “Solidarité
avec le peuple grec, soutien à Syriza !”, </span><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><a href="http://www.gauche-anticapitaliste.org/content/solidarite-avec-le-peuple-grec-soutien-syriza"><span class="Hyperlink1"><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;">http://www.gauche-anticapitaliste.o...</span></span></a></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">.</span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="FR" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span> See: Juan Chingo:
“Les limites de Mélenchon et les tendances liquidatrices au sein de l’extrême
gauche”, 25/04/12, </span><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><a href="http://www.ccr4.org/Les-limites-du-Front-de-Gauche-et"><span class="Hyperlink1"><span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;">http://www.ccr4.org/Les-limites-du-...</span></span></a></span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">.</span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="ES-TRAD"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">Executive
Bureau of the Fourth International: “The future of the workers of Europe is
being decided in Greece”, </span><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><a href="http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article2626"><span class="Hyperlink1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article2626</span></span></a></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">. (Our Emphasis.)</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">
See: Andreas Kloke, “Answer to the statement of the FI on Greece”, </span><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><a href="http://4thinternational.blogspot.fr/2012/06/andreas-kloke-answer-to-statement-of-fi.html"><span class="Hyperlink1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">http://4thinternational.blogspot.fr...</span></span></a>.</span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">
Entrevista de A. Tsipras por A. Chabot, Europe 1, 21/05/12.</span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[6]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">Le Monde, « <span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">La rigueur n'est pas la condition sine qua
non de l'appartenance à l'euro »,</span> 26/05/12. </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">Rena Dourou and Liana Kaneli, MP for the KKE, were violently attacked in
front of the TV cameras on June 6 by Ilias Kassidiaris, speaker of the neo-Nazi
group and recently elected MP for Xrissy Avghi (Golden Dawn).</span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn7" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">A summarized English version of the program and its « vital
points » can be found here: </span><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><a href="http://news.radiobubble.gr/2012/05/blog-post_6130.html"><span class="Hyperlink1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">http://news.radiobubble.gr/2012/05/blog-post_6130.html</span></span></a></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">. </span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn8" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">Ver: Pantelis,
M. Zeta et K. Kostas, “</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;">The
Greek left and the question of the European Union”, 05/01/2012,</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> </span><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><a href="http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article23981"><span class="Hyperlink1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article23981</span></span></a></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">. </span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn9" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">Idem.</span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn10" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[10]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"> L. Trotsky, “The Transitional Program”, 1938
(http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1938/tp/index.htm). </span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn11" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[11]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">This is not what the EC of the USFI wants, who calls for the formation
of a government of the “political and social left” (SYRIZA, ANTARSYA, KKE
etc.), i.e. A government where the revolutionaries would govern side by side
with the reformists.</span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn12" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[12]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">M. Skoufoglou, </span><span style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">« The Pendulum », 03/06/12, (</span><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><a href="http://4thinternational.blogspot.fr/2012/06/manos-skoufoglou-pendulum.html"><span class="Hyperlink1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">http://4thinternational.blogspot.fr/2012/06/manos-skoufoglou-pendulum.html</span></span></a></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">).</span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn13" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref13" name="_ftn13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[13]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">Some articles by comrades of the NPA circulated in the last days with
regards to SYRIZA and the situation in Greece. We share some elements that were
developed by Jean-Phlippe Divès ((« Les anticapitalistes et
Syriza » </span><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><a href="http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article25436"><span class="Hyperlink1"><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;">http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spi...</span></span></a></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;">) or Pascal Morsu (« Grèce : après le 6 mai... »). But
surprisingly, these comrades evoke, with two distinct ways, the “least likely
hypothesis” by Trotsky in the Transitional Program in order to apply it to
SYRIZA, i.e. The hypothesis where Trotsky talks about the possibility that
petit-bourgeois leaderships go further than they wanted to in breaking with the
bourgeoisie. For Morsu, the fact that SYRIZA has rejected to participate in a
“technical government” with the bourgeois pro-memorandum parties would already
be a “new illustration of the famous remark of the program of the IV
International”; while for Divès, it is a perspective for which we would have to
prepare ourselves in the near future. From our point of view, this hypothesis
is unlikely. As we have said, specifically the “more likely hypotheses” evoked
by Trotsky could produce themselves in Greece. That is, that SYRIZA evolves
into a type of Popular Front which won't go any “further”, to rephrase Trotsky,
but which could transform itself into one of the principal obstacles for the
development of the revolution in Greece. </span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn14" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="FootnoteTextA" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: #990000; color: #eeeeee;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3135399904087687959#_ftnref14" name="_ftn14" title=""><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="Funotenzeichen1"><span lang="ES-TRAD" style="font-family: Calibri;">[14]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Calibri;"> This type of front
of all the sectors of the workers, i.e. Including the immigrant workers or the
“sans papiers” as well, who doubtlessly represent one of the most exploited and
marginalized sectors of Greek society, is not in the least part of SYRIZA's
projects either. On the contrary, even the topic of the defence of the
“undocumented” workers, which constituted one of the preferred attack points of
the bourgeois parties against SYRIZA, is being softened by the “coalition of
the radical left” in its discourse. For example, after an attack of a fascist
mob of Chrissy Avghi against workers “without documents”, the mayor of Patras,
a big city on the western coast, who is supported by SYRIZA, didn't have
anything better do say than to demand more policies to “resolve the problem of
the clandestine workers”. Within SYRIZA, some currents apparently even demand
to speak less of the “sans papiers” to “not lose votes”.</span></span><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: Calibri; mso-ansi-language: #0400; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-language: X-NONE; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: #0400;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--EndFragment-->Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3135399904087687959.post-91455226537099079792012-06-15T19:46:00.000+03:002012-06-15T19:46:22.361+03:00Members of the FI: For a program of confrontation with capitalism, for an independent anticapitalist and revolutionary party<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Greece is today the
epicenter of the crisis of capitalism. It is the target of the most vicious
attack by capital. The youth and the workers of Greece have answered this
offensive with massive mobilization that has discredited the traditional
political Greek regime of PASOK and ND. The ruling class no longer controls the
situation, but the working class is not yet able to seize power and overthrow capitalism.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Under those
circumstances, a part of popular anger has been capitalized by the far right,
but it is mostly Syriza that embodies hopes for change just before the
elections.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Spanish State and
Italy are the next targets of Troïka (then maybe France): the outcome of the
ongoing struggle in Greece is decisive for all anticapitalists and
revolutionaries throughout Europe and in the world.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">There is now a debate
about the position the revolutionary should take. Should they support a
government led by Syriza? Should they support Syriza? Should they withdraw
electorally in favor of Syriza? Or should they propose their own policies,
independently from the reformists?</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">1- Syriza’s program
and the declarations of its most famous leaders express both a popular rejection
of anti-workers policies, and a will to reach a compromise with the ruling
classes of the European Union, as Tsipras’ positions indicate: his categorical
refusal to even consider going out of the euro zone or the EU, and his
willingness to reform the EU so as to restabilize it.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">A government that
would abolish the memorandums would be a positive step for the workers and
their struggles.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">But how can you
abolish the memorandums without abolishing the debt? How can you finance the
necessary and urgent measures without socializing the banks? In short: how can
you improve the Greek masses’ situation at all without confronting the
capitalist minority’s power over the economy and society?</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">For it is obvious that
if any government would put in question the program dictated by capital, the
banks and the EU would immediately put an end to all sources of financing and
all possibility of loan and wouldn’t hesitate to throw Greece out of the EU. In
such a situation, one would be forced either to bow down and then go on with the
same old disastrous policies, or confront the bankers’ and capitalists’ powers,
by taking back what they stole and putting in question their control over the
economy.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">In terms of measures
that need to be taken, a program of confrontation with the Capital is
necessary. A program of transitional demands such as the general increase of
wages, the radical decrease of working time, the cancellation of the debt, the
socialization of the banks and of the key sectors of economy under workers
control. Such a program implies a clash not only with the Greek ruling class
but also with the European bourgeoisie and its institutions.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">2- The only way to put
in practice a program of struggle against the crisis and a break with
capitalism is a general mobilization of workers and the popular masses.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">It is not a slogan or
an abstract idea. The pressure of capital is huge. The 24 or 48 hour strikes,
the sectorial strikes… have resulted in a grave political crisis for the Greek
bourgeoisie but have not been sufficient to stop the capitalist offensive.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">It is therefore
necessary to lean on the partial struggles, to strive to extend them and
systematize the elements of self-organization that already exist and, under
certain circumstances, that can be the core of a future dual power. It is
through a generalization of the struggles and by federating the organs of
self-organization that a worker’s power will rise and face the bourgeoisie. It
is with the threat of an extension of their struggle to the rest of Europe that
the Greek workers will be able to protect themselves from EU’s pressure. The
youth and the working class of Greece have the key to current issues in their
hands, they are the ones to be counted on to find a solution.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">3- In this situation,
the motto “workers’ government” becomes relevant. It is not applicable at once:
it is even difficult to imagine its possible composition in the present
situation. Nonetheless, it is indispensable to propose an overall political
solution and to start to developing an understandable answer to the question:
“who must hold power in Greece?”<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Such a workers’
government would have to put into practice a program against the crisis, would
have to be ready to apply with key transitional measures, such as the
socialization of banks and strategic sectors of the economy. A government
resting on a general mobilization of the workers and based on their self-organization</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">. A government
that would regroup all forces ready to defend the masses’ demands. The
revolutionaries would be ready to participate in such a government with other
forces on the basis of a confrontational program and of a high degree of
workers’ and youth’s mobilization. Because such a government would encourage
the possibility for the workers to seize power themselves.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Under the present circumstances,
and given the character of Syriza, a Syriza-government would be something more
than a mere left parliamentary combination, which is not the same as a workers
government.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The evolution of the
situation is uncertain: will Syriza be able to build the necessary alliances to
form a government, how will Syriza and the masses react to the
counter-offensive of Capital… But what is certain is that a global
confrontation is necessary. And we therefore need a political instrument to
prepare this confrontation and to popularize the program that is needed.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">4- If a government led
by Syriza took measures favorable to the workers, such as putting into question
the memorandums, it is obvious that the revolutionaries would support those
measures. However, such a critical and conditional support to a Syriza
government does not in any way imply for the anticapitalist and revolutionary
left (mainly represented by Antarsya) renouncing its political and
organizational independence.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">An independent party, whose
center of gravity would be the class struggles, not the parliament and the
bourgeois institutions. A party able to embody a visible political pole in the
elections as in the mass struggles is necessary to defend the only perspective
allowing the Greek workers to avoid the catastrophe. A party both able to have
a united front policy towards the other forces in workers’ movement and to
defend its own political perspective: the break with capitalism and the seizure
of power by the workers. We assess that, under the present situation, the
creation of such a party depends mainly on the developments within and around
Antarsya, despite its contradictions. This project may also include common
actions with anticapitalist minorities in Syriza and small revolutionary
organizations that work independently.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">If a “left wing”
government collapsed in failure, the far right would probably be the one to
profit from the situation. But it is not an inevitable fate. All will depend on
the capacity of the revolutionary left to take the lead in the struggles and to
make a program of break with capitalism creditable in the eyes of the working
masses.</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">That is why, we,
anticapitalist and revolutionary militants of several countries, call to
support the Greek revolutionary left, particularly Antarsya, and to strengthen
the links between the militants that share a revolutionary perspective in
Europe and worldwide.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Signed by members and
sympathizers of the Fourth International<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">- <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">France </b>/ <b>NPA</b>: Gaël Quirante (member of the Executive Committee),
Xavier Guessou (member of the National Political Committee)</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">- <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Spain </b>/ <b>Izquierda Anticapitalista</b>: Ruben Quirante, (member of the
Confederal Secretariat), Pechi Murillo (member)</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">- <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Greece </b>/ <b>OKDE-Spartakos</b>: Charis Mertis (member of the Political
Bureau), Anastasia Vergaki (member of the Political
Bureau), Panagiotis Sifogiorgakis (member of the Political
Bureau/delegate at the 16th World Congress of the FI), Manos Skoufoglou
(delegate at the 16th World Congress of the FI)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">- <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Germany </b>/ <b>RSB</b>: Jakob Schäfer (member of the Political Secretariat,
member of the IC of the FI), Peter Berens (member of the Political
Secretariat)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">- <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">England </b>/ <b>Socialist Resistance</b>: Dave Hill (member of the National
Council)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">- <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Ireland </b>/ <b>Socialist Democracy:</b> John McAnulty (Secretary), Kevin Keating
(member of the Central Committee)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">- <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Belgium </b>/ <b>LCR-SAP</b>: Mauro Gasparini (youth sector)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">- <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Denmark </b>/ <b>SAP:</b> Jette [Lulu] Kroman (member)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">- <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">USA </b>/ <b>Socialist Action</b>: Jeff Mackler (National Secretary)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">- <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">USA </b>/ <b>FI Caucus of Solidarity</b>: Brown (former member of IC of the FI) </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--EndFragment-->Kostas Skordoulishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/06089380215171046937noreply@blogger.com5