Greece is today the
epicenter of the crisis of capitalism. It is the target of the most vicious
attack by capital. The youth and the workers of Greece have answered this
offensive with massive mobilization that has discredited the traditional
political Greek regime of PASOK and ND. The ruling class no longer controls the
situation, but the working class is not yet able to seize power and overthrow capitalism.
Under those
circumstances, a part of popular anger has been capitalized by the far right,
but it is mostly Syriza that embodies hopes for change just before the
elections.
Spanish State and
Italy are the next targets of Troïka (then maybe France): the outcome of the
ongoing struggle in Greece is decisive for all anticapitalists and
revolutionaries throughout Europe and in the world.
There is now a debate
about the position the revolutionary should take. Should they support a
government led by Syriza? Should they support Syriza? Should they withdraw
electorally in favor of Syriza? Or should they propose their own policies,
independently from the reformists?
1- Syriza’s program
and the declarations of its most famous leaders express both a popular rejection
of anti-workers policies, and a will to reach a compromise with the ruling
classes of the European Union, as Tsipras’ positions indicate: his categorical
refusal to even consider going out of the euro zone or the EU, and his
willingness to reform the EU so as to restabilize it.
A government that
would abolish the memorandums would be a positive step for the workers and
their struggles.
But how can you
abolish the memorandums without abolishing the debt? How can you finance the
necessary and urgent measures without socializing the banks? In short: how can
you improve the Greek masses’ situation at all without confronting the
capitalist minority’s power over the economy and society?
For it is obvious that
if any government would put in question the program dictated by capital, the
banks and the EU would immediately put an end to all sources of financing and
all possibility of loan and wouldn’t hesitate to throw Greece out of the EU. In
such a situation, one would be forced either to bow down and then go on with the
same old disastrous policies, or confront the bankers’ and capitalists’ powers,
by taking back what they stole and putting in question their control over the
economy.
In terms of measures
that need to be taken, a program of confrontation with the Capital is
necessary. A program of transitional demands such as the general increase of
wages, the radical decrease of working time, the cancellation of the debt, the
socialization of the banks and of the key sectors of economy under workers
control. Such a program implies a clash not only with the Greek ruling class
but also with the European bourgeoisie and its institutions.
2- The only way to put
in practice a program of struggle against the crisis and a break with
capitalism is a general mobilization of workers and the popular masses.
It is not a slogan or
an abstract idea. The pressure of capital is huge. The 24 or 48 hour strikes,
the sectorial strikes… have resulted in a grave political crisis for the Greek
bourgeoisie but have not been sufficient to stop the capitalist offensive.
It is therefore
necessary to lean on the partial struggles, to strive to extend them and
systematize the elements of self-organization that already exist and, under
certain circumstances, that can be the core of a future dual power. It is
through a generalization of the struggles and by federating the organs of
self-organization that a worker’s power will rise and face the bourgeoisie. It
is with the threat of an extension of their struggle to the rest of Europe that
the Greek workers will be able to protect themselves from EU’s pressure. The
youth and the working class of Greece have the key to current issues in their
hands, they are the ones to be counted on to find a solution.
3- In this situation,
the motto “workers’ government” becomes relevant. It is not applicable at once:
it is even difficult to imagine its possible composition in the present
situation. Nonetheless, it is indispensable to propose an overall political
solution and to start to developing an understandable answer to the question:
“who must hold power in Greece?”
Such a workers’
government would have to put into practice a program against the crisis, would
have to be ready to apply with key transitional measures, such as the
socialization of banks and strategic sectors of the economy. A government
resting on a general mobilization of the workers and based on their self-organization. A government
that would regroup all forces ready to defend the masses’ demands. The
revolutionaries would be ready to participate in such a government with other
forces on the basis of a confrontational program and of a high degree of
workers’ and youth’s mobilization. Because such a government would encourage
the possibility for the workers to seize power themselves.
Under the present circumstances,
and given the character of Syriza, a Syriza-government would be something more
than a mere left parliamentary combination, which is not the same as a workers
government.
The evolution of the
situation is uncertain: will Syriza be able to build the necessary alliances to
form a government, how will Syriza and the masses react to the
counter-offensive of Capital… But what is certain is that a global
confrontation is necessary. And we therefore need a political instrument to
prepare this confrontation and to popularize the program that is needed.
4- If a government led
by Syriza took measures favorable to the workers, such as putting into question
the memorandums, it is obvious that the revolutionaries would support those
measures. However, such a critical and conditional support to a Syriza
government does not in any way imply for the anticapitalist and revolutionary
left (mainly represented by Antarsya) renouncing its political and
organizational independence.
An independent party, whose
center of gravity would be the class struggles, not the parliament and the
bourgeois institutions. A party able to embody a visible political pole in the
elections as in the mass struggles is necessary to defend the only perspective
allowing the Greek workers to avoid the catastrophe. A party both able to have
a united front policy towards the other forces in workers’ movement and to
defend its own political perspective: the break with capitalism and the seizure
of power by the workers. We assess that, under the present situation, the
creation of such a party depends mainly on the developments within and around
Antarsya, despite its contradictions. This project may also include common
actions with anticapitalist minorities in Syriza and small revolutionary
organizations that work independently.
If a “left wing”
government collapsed in failure, the far right would probably be the one to
profit from the situation. But it is not an inevitable fate. All will depend on
the capacity of the revolutionary left to take the lead in the struggles and to
make a program of break with capitalism creditable in the eyes of the working
masses.
That is why, we,
anticapitalist and revolutionary militants of several countries, call to
support the Greek revolutionary left, particularly Antarsya, and to strengthen
the links between the militants that share a revolutionary perspective in
Europe and worldwide.
Signed by members and
sympathizers of the Fourth International
- France / NPA: Gaël Quirante (member of the Executive Committee),
Xavier Guessou (member of the National Political Committee)
- Spain / Izquierda Anticapitalista: Ruben Quirante, (member of the
Confederal Secretariat), Pechi Murillo (member)
- Greece / OKDE-Spartakos: Charis Mertis (member of the Political
Bureau), Anastasia Vergaki (member of the Political
Bureau), Panagiotis Sifogiorgakis (member of the Political
Bureau/delegate at the 16th World Congress of the FI), Manos Skoufoglou
(delegate at the 16th World Congress of the FI)
- Germany / RSB: Jakob Schäfer (member of the Political Secretariat,
member of the IC of the FI), Peter Berens (member of the Political
Secretariat)
- England / Socialist Resistance: Dave Hill (member of the National
Council)
- Ireland / Socialist Democracy: John McAnulty (Secretary), Kevin Keating
(member of the Central Committee)
- Belgium / LCR-SAP: Mauro Gasparini (youth sector)
- Denmark / SAP: Jette [Lulu] Kroman (member)
- USA / Socialist Action: Jeff Mackler (National Secretary)
- USA / FI Caucus of Solidarity: Brown (former member of IC of the FI)
Hey comrades! The International Worker's League-FI has a similar position to ya'll in your perspectives in this election. See http://litci.org/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2100:greece-at-a-crossroads&catid=26:greece.
ReplyDeleteStay strong and I wish you the best!
-Juan
This statement is more reflective of IWL's perspective for Greece:
Deletehttp://litci.org/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2094:elections-in-greece-against-the-troika-and-its-austerity-measures&catid=78:statement-iwlfi-europe&Itemid=65
This comment has been removed by the author.
DeleteThis comment has been removed by the author.
ReplyDeleteComrade Juan Garcia:
ReplyDeleteYour position is a total farce.
The position of the International Worker's League can not be equated with the position of the OKDE-Spartakus.
You talk about some contradictions of Syriza... But IWL's in these elections, does not call to vote Antarsya. So feed the illusion that Syriza may be forced to break with the euro.
IWL's position is not left-centrist (neither revolutionary, at all). IWL is a Morenist organization subordinated to the popular front.
Comradely greetings,
Lucas Malaspina
Tendencia Piquetera Revolucionaria (TPR), Argentina
tpr.internacional@gmail.com
PS:
Below I leave our "Open Letter from TPR to the EEK and the CRFI" (Sunday June 10) where We call to vote for Antarsya. In the letter, We argue against the positions of the IWL. And also, the letter had a section dedicated to the controversy of the USFI.
http://www.tpr-internet.blogspot.com.ar/2012/06/greek-elections-open-letter-from-tpr-to.html